Volume 1813b
Georges Dodds'
The Ape-Man: his Kith and Kin
A collection of texts which prepared the advent of Tarzan of the Apes by Edgar Rice Burroughs
Presents
http://www.erbzine.com/mag18/buel2a.htm
Heroes of the Dark Continent . . .
J.W. Buel

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PART IIa: Chapters XXVI - XXX1 and Appendix & Epilogue
CONTINUED FROM PART II
TABLE OF CONTENTS

As an explorer, whose chief mission, while philanthropic, was hardly less an ambition to familiarize himself with new regions, Stanley could not afford to disregard even the traditions respecting the country lying along the Aruwimi river, especially since, though possibly idle stories, they were evidently grounded firmly in the beliefs of both Arabs and natives of all Central Africa. By this careful attention to beliefs, as well as critical observation, he has been able to give us much information about tribes which have never before been brought to the notice of even ethnologists, much less to the great mass of people. To features of his march not described in his letter to the Relief Committee we must therefore now address ourselves.
[Mustering of the hostiles]

To these distressful annoyances, or more properly murderous obstructions, complaint is added against swarming insects, such as gnats, flies and ants, which, in some places attacked the expedition in such numbers and with such venomous bites as forced the men to throw down their burdens and fight for life. [Dwellings of tribes below Nejambi Rapids.]

The mornings along the river were generally lowering and very sombre, everything being buried in thick mist, which frequently did not clear off until nearly noon. While this lasted the air was still as death, and gave the insects opportunity for foraging off every living thing. When the sun came out, and the breeze sprang up, the small winged creatures fled away and settled.

The Nejambi Rapids marked the division between two different kinds of architecture and language. Below were the cone huts; above were villages long and straight, of detached square huts surrounded by tall logs of wood, which added materially to the strength of the village. But all the villages were hostile, and were also armed with strong bows from which poisoned arrows were discharged with deadly effect. Stanley and his officers became much exercised as to what might be the poison on the heads of the arrows by which Lieutenant Stairs and several others were wounded, and from the effects of which four died almost directly. During a halt at Avesibba several packets of dried red-ants were found, and the secret was out. The bodies of these insects were dried, ground into powder, cooked in palm oil, and smeared on the arrow tips, and thus the deadly irritant, by which so many men had been lost after the most terrible suffering, was conveyed into the arrow wounds. This poison is so potent that it is forbidden to prepare it near a village. [ELEVATED DWELLINGS ALONG THE ARUWIMI.]

Stanley also mentions having seen immense piles of oyster shells on several islands in the Aruwimi, though this peculiar species of bivalves is not now found living in the river. He also notes a curious means employed by the natives in clearing the forests of tall white-stemmed trees characteristic of the Lower Congo, which is by building a platform about the trees, ten, fifteen, and even twenty feet high, and then cutting off the trunk at that height. The purpose of this most singular practice could not be discovered, except that the natives considered too much labor involved in the clearing out of trunks and stumps, and therefore thought all useful means were accomplished by the lopping off of that portion of the tree whose foliage would give too much shade to what they planted. Nor is this theory without reason, for in Africa land has no ownership, and the tribes are usually migratory. A single, or at most two crops are harvested by one family on the same ground in many districts, hence a thorough clearing cannot be afforded. Stanley also incidentally notes having seen occasional huts built on piles, and even stumps of trees, at a considerable elevation, but does not give us the reasons for this kind of architecture.

The short relays of canoes that were obtainable gave great relief to the weary and footsore travellers, besides often affording exciting sport to the hunters and venturously inclined members of the expedition. The river has little current, on which account, as well as the few disturbances of the ancient quiet of that region, it is made the haunt of great numbers of hippopotami and crocodiles, while monkeys of many varieties are to be constantly seen in wanton gambols among the trees that line the banks. Being well supplied with arms and ammunition, Stanley and his lieutenants found much amusement shooting the larger game from the canoes; and even their Arab auxiliaries, who generally maintained a melancholy mien, threw off their sullenness for an occasional hunt along the shores.

Many times during the trip the party were sorely pressed for food, and were forced to many expedients to obtain it. The natives were generally very poor themselves, and while having little to sell, were even less inclined to furnish food for strangers. Hunting, too, was frequently a doubtful resource, because, while in certain sections game was abundant, in others there seemed to be no animal life whatever. The Arabs  -- ; about a dozen having followed the expedition after Tipo Tib left it at Stanley Falls  -- ; fared worse than the others, because of their religious scruples about eating hippopotamus flesh, which they regard as unclean. But the gnawing pangs of hunger finally overcame the proscription of creed and belief, so that they were brought to partake of the forbidden food. It was a ludicrous sight to Christians to see a lay Mohammedan acting the part of priest and blessing the dead body of a hippopotamus preparatory to making a feast, and in the ceremony to see so strong a religious barrier destroyed. A common affliction does indeed make us all brothers.
[BLESSING THE DEAD BODY OF A HIPPOPOTAMUS.]

Having no effective arms with which to hunt the Crocodiles, some of the Aruwimi tribes exercise a cunning expedient to effect the capture of these dangerous reptiles, It requires a cool head and steady nerves to put the plan into practice, but these requirements are seldom wanting among savage people. The native hunter, when he seeks this kind of game, takes with him a very simple arm, being only a thick stick some ten inches long, through which runs a slender piece of iron sharply pointed at both ends. Finding his quarry asleep along some sedgy bank, he cautiously and noiselessly approaches until within a dozen feet or more of the crocodile. The hunter now drops down into a prostrate position and crawls carefully along towards the reptile's mouth. When within three or four feet he makes a peculiar clucking noise, which arouses the crocodile but does not alarm it. His motions are now such that the creature believes a meal to be near at hand and turns his head to seize the prey; at this moment the hunter thrusts his instrument into the mouth of the crocodile, who seizes it with avidity only to find itself helpless to do any harm with its teeth. Generally the pain caused by the sharp points of the weapon makes the crocodile very angry and in its rage pursues the hunter. In this case the creature only hastens its doom, for the hunter can easily keep out of reach of the crocodile's tail, which is now its only means of offence, and when it is sufficiently far from the water the hunter boldly seizes it and either doubles the forelegs up over the back, beats it to death with a dub, or rips it up with a sharp piece of iron which serves the purpose of a knife. [A crocodile snare.]

Crocodiles are also caught by means of spring-traps made by bending over a strong sapling and attaching to the end a vine with an iron hook fastened to it, and a hoop so set that in reaching the bait on the hook the creature must thrust his head through the ring. When the bait is seized the vine is loosed from its fastenings and up goes the sapling, lifting the crocodile just high enough  -- ; while the hook serves to hold him  -- ; to leave him dancing on his hind legs and tail, and strangulation ends his troubles in the course of an hour.

This same means of catching the crocodile is employed by a half-dozen tribes of South American Indians, and it is also used by some of the people in South Africa.

The story of Tipo Tib received partial confirmation in the capture thus made, and also in the harrowing fears of Kabba Rega, who assured Stanley that there was a race of dwarfs living somewhere to the west of Unyoro of the most violently vindictive dispositions, and who, besides possessing surprising courage, were always murderously inclined, and capable of doing the greatest mischief. For these Kabba Rega entertained such a fear that he spoke of them as he would of avenging spirits, with powers of the supernatural. [A dwarf watch tower]

That these fearful stories were a superstructure of fable built upon a small base of facts is not surprising, and it is with no wonder therefore that Stanley found them to be so. But the pigmies are certainly a verity, and even this much excites our liveliest interest to know something about them. The tribe, called Wambuttis, occupy a considerable district lying on both sides of the Aruwimi, and nearly midway between Yambuya and Albert Lake. Their average height is certainly not more, perhaps less, than three feet, but occasionally specimens of the tribe may be seen five feet in height, while there are as many of the exceptionally short that scarcely exceed two feet; a majority of them are slightly under three feet. But though short of stature they are uncommonly muscular and are also very ingenious, particularly in working iron. Their chief weapons are bows and arrows, the former being occasionally made of steel and the latter invariably tipped with metal. The few bows, indeed the only one seen that was made of steel, seemed to be rather experimental than practical, for it was too stiff for even the strongest man to draw effectively. But it is very interesting to know that the tribe make and work steel, which is a most uncommon thing in Central Africa.

Contrary, however, to tradition, the Wambuttis do not wear beards, and in all respects they have the negroid characteristics of woolly hair, black eyes, thick lips, flat nose and large mouth. They are certainly very courageous, but not nearly so vindictive and cunningly cruel as Kabba Rega and Tipo Tib represented; but that they are guilty cannibalism there was not wanting the strongest evidence. Human skulls were frequently to be seen on poles about their villages and in a single instance a fairly well- cured human arm was seen hanging to the outside wall of a hut. It bore the appearance of having been smoked for a considerable time, but none of the villagers could be induced to talk about any of their habits. In fact, there was no one in the expedition who could understand their language.

While the Wambuttis are evidently extremely barbaric, and no doubt practise cruelties which distinguish all barbarous tribes, yet Stanley had ocular proof of the fact that they also possess the most admirable traits of character and are moved by the instincts of love. There was no evidence of polygamy, while the domestic ties were evidently very strong. Each family resided together in an elevated hut that was thatched with grass and carried up in a cone shape to a sharp point, or central support, which projected several feet above the crown of the roof. During a short stay at one of the villages a child of one the natives died, and Stanley saw the evidences of intense grief which the event caused. The mother appeared to be crazed by her sorrow and had to be restrained by her friends from committing some desperate act. Another woman, probably the grandmother, judged by her appearance, took the dead body upon her lap and poured out a libation of tears and wailings that was deeply affecting to behold. [Adventure in the dwarf country.]

The disposition of their dead is similar to that practised by the Sioux Indians, the bodies being placed in rude coffins, frequently made from the hollow of trees cut of a proper length and closed at the ends, and then deposited on scaffolds, where they are secure from wild beasts.
[Gathering honey]

The Quimbandes are an indolent people, whose only known manufacture is willow baskets. They live chiefly by fishing, but vary their diet of fish by eating various insects, notably the locust  -- ; our grasshopper  -- ; which is highly esteemed by them. They also gather considerable quantities of honey, as large stores were invariably found in their villages. Their houses are miserable pretences, made by setting up a few poles with a rack on top, which is then covered with loose grass. A ludicrous scene was precipitated by Mr. Williams, when he attempted to photograph a group of females who mistook his camera for a magic gun.
[THE DWARFS' MANNER OF DISPOSING OF THEIR DEAD.]

Unlike the Quimbandes, these neighbors are an agricultural people, and are also somewhat pastoral, though their herds of cattle and sheep are always very small. They raise grain and tobacco and give considerable attention to poultry. Their dwellings are pretentious in size, but are so fragile in construction and material as to serve only a short time; either a fire burns them [The promised land: End of the great Congo forest region.  -- ; (See page 476)] or a wind- storm soon destroys them. They are made almost entirely of grass and bear a striking, resemblance to a large wheat stack, except that the apex, instead of being pointed, is made to assume a bushy appearance.

The women are of pleasing features and often real pretty, even to the critical eye of an American. They are especially fond of bead-work, and the belles ornament their bodies with strings of various colored beads wound round and round the waist, breast, neck and head. In front is worn. a lappet of cloth or skin, also decorated with beads, and the buttock is covered with a piece of fringed cloth, while the arms and legs bear a very burden of rings made of ivory, iron, and occasionally of copper. The men are not nearly so vain and are content with a plain piece of cloth about the loins  -- ; in this respect being more modest than the women  -- ; and sometimes a necklace of either beads or a small bit of leather with some equally simple ornament strung upon it. [A dandy]

The M'teita do a little farming and raise a few goats and sheep, but they are chiefly traders, and as such travel considerably in Uganda, Unyoro, Usoga, and other kingdoms about Lake Albert. They construct very crude dwellings of grass, and with this crudeness is also found an utter lack of comfort or convenience, the floors having no covering except a thin layer of grass, which is not changed often enough to prevent a very foul odor, while the sides of thatch are so loose as to freely admit both wind and rain. But for all this they appear to be a contented, and certainly a hospitable people. [A M'Teita man and woman]

A show of force is the best preventive of actual violence, and the native Africans never respect a man so much as the one who shows determination. [STARVATION PRECIPITATES A SCRAMBLE.] This knowledge is what induced Stanley to take with him a Maxim gun, quite as much as the possible need for it. A mere exhibition of its dreadful destructiveness would serve to over-awe the natives, and therefore Stanley had not really expected to have to put it to a deadly use, unless it should be necessary against well- armed and hostile Arabs, who it was not unlikely would be met, or against the Mahdi's forces, who were believed to have Emin Pasha a prisoner. But with his keen perception of every situation, and his great forbearance, Stanley was not forced to slaughter the natives, and drove his way through the darkest regions with a very small sacrifice of human life.
[STANLEY ENFORCING ORDERS]

They had covered several miles before a herd was discovered in a position favorable for an attack, as they did not wish to be led away any considerable distance from the co1umn. At length a drove was descried less than a mile off to the right, and the beaters were sent out to get on the far side and drive them in. They accomplished their purpose so well that the buffaloes headed directly for the hunters who had dropped down in the grass out of sight of the game. On they came at great speed until within a few yards, when the three hunters rose up and delivered a volley that killed two cows and severely wounded a bull. But the latter kept on at a thunderous pace and, as if blinded by its wound, drove directly for the column of carriers. [A BUFFALO'S MAD CHARGE.] The mad animal was discovered when it was perhaps a hundred yards off, when immediately there was an excitement that did not wait for the order to break ranks. Every man for the moment was an independent out of file, and the hurried manner of their wild, distracted retreat was as laughable to the disinterested spectator as it was serious to those in flight. Burdens were dropped with extraordinary promptness and each man prepared to climb who could find a tree, while others just ran any way under an impromptu call to find another place. The bull perhaps never thought of making an attack, though its lowered head and high-flying tail certainly looked very dangerous, but it passed on through the broken ranks and out of sight without making any other demonstration.
[A rhinoceros creates consternation]

This return journey was accomplished in the manner already partly told, as also the third march which took him back to Yambuya in search of the rear column. To the descriptions previously given, however, I am permitted to add further particulars from Stanley letters just to hand.

After Stanley's return to Kavalli with the steam launch he still was unable to reach Emin, because in the mean time Emin had been to that station and went away almost immediately without informing the Kavalli chief of his intended destination, and particularly because reliable information, in the form of letters from Jephson, reached him giving a brief account of a Mahdi uprising that had occurred in the mean time which had resulted in the capture of both Emin and Jephson, who were then held prisoners at Wadelai. Stanley's force at Kavalli was too small to cope with so powerful an antagonist as the Mahdi, so he hurriedly left Kavalli again for Yambuya to bring up the rear column, with which additional force he hoped to be able to effect a rescue of Emin and Jephson, even should a battle be necessary.

"My last report was sent off by Salim Behammod in the latter part of September, 1888. Over a year full of stirring events have taken place since then. I will endeavor to inform you what has occurred. When we reached the camp, after great privations, but nothing to what we were afterwards to endure, we found the 102 of the yet remaining members of the rear column in a most deplorable condition. I doubted whether 50 of them would live to reach the lake; but having collected a large number of canoes, the goods and sick men were transported in these vessels in such a smooth and expeditious manner that there were remarkably few casualties in the rear column. But wild natives, having repeatedly defeated the Ugarrowwa's raiders, and by this discovered the extent of their own strength, gave considerable trouble and inflicted considerable loss among our best men, who had always to bear the brunt of the fighting and the fatigue of the paddling. However, we had no reason to be dissatisfied with the time we had made. When progress by river became too tedious and difficult, an order to cast off canoes was given. This was four days' journey above the Ugarrowwa's Station, or about 300 miles above Banalya. We decided that as the south bank of the Ituri river was pretty well known to us it would be best to try the north bank, although we should have to traverse for some days the despoiled lands which had been a common centre to the Ugarrowwa's and Kilinga-Longa's bands of raiders. We were about a hundred miles from grass land; which opened up a prospect of future feasts of beef, veal and mutton, and a pleasing variety of vegetables, as well as oil and butter for cooking.[Fight at Abi Sibbam August 13, 1887, Lieutenant Stairs wounded with an arrow.]

On October 30th, having cast off the canoes, the land march began in earnest, and two days later we discovered a large plantation in charge of Dwaris. The people flung themselves on the plantains to make as large a provision as possible for the dreaded wilderness ahead. The most enterprising always secured a fair share, and twelve hours later would be furnished with a week's provision of plantain flour. The feeble and indolent revelled for the time being on an abundance of roasted fruit, but always neglected providing for the future, and thus became victims to famine after moving from this place. Ten days passed before we reached another plantation, during which we lost more men than we had lost between Banalya and Ugarrowwa's.

Small-pox broke out among the Manyuema, and the mortality was terrible. Our Zanzibaris escaped the pest, however, owing to the vaccination they had undergone on board the Madura. [A DWARIS VILLAGE.] We were now about four days' march above the confluence of the Ihuru and Ituri rivers, and within about a mile from Ishuru. As there was no possibility of crossing this violent tributary of the Ituri or Aruwimi, we had to follow its right bank until a crossing could be discovered. Four days later we stumbled across the principal village of the district, called Andikumu. It was surrounded by the finest plantation of bananas and plaintains we had yet seen, which all the Manyuemas habit of spoliation and destruction had been unable to destroy. There our people, after starving during fourteen days, gorged themselves to such excess that it contributed greatly to lessen our numbers. Every twentieth individual suffered from some complaint which entirely incapacitated him for duty.

The Ihuru river was about four miles south-southeast from this place, flowing from east-north-east. It was about sixty yards broad and deep owing to heavy rains. From Andikumu six days' march brought us to another nourishing settlement, called Indeman, situated about four hours' march from a river supposed to be the Ihuru. Here I was considerably nonplussed by a grievous discrepancy between native accounts and my own observations. The natives called it the Ihuru river, and my instruments and chronometer made it very evident it could not be the Ihuru. We knew finally. After capturing some Dwaris we discovered it was the right branch of the Ihuru, called the Duru river, this agreeing with my own views. We searched and found a place where we could build a bridge across. Bonny and our Zanzibari chief threw themselves into the work, and in a few hours the Duru river was safely bridged. We passed from Indeman into a district entirely unvisited by Manyuema." Here the writer describes daily conflicts with the Wambutti dwarfs, which he found very numerous in this region, which have already been noticed. The Wambuttis clung to the north-east route, which Stanley wanted to take; accordingly he went south-east and followed elephant tracks. [Dwaris women]

He says: But on December 9th we were compelled to halt for forage in the middle of a vast forest, at a spot indicated by my chart to be not more than two or three miles from Ituri river, which many of our people had seen. While we resided at Fort Bodo, I sent 150 rifles back to a settlement that was fifteen miles back on the route we had come, while many Manyuema followers also undertook to follow them. I quote from my journal part of what I wrote on December 14th, the sixth day of the absence of the foragers: Six days have transpired since our foragers left us. For the first four days the time passed rapidly, I might say pleasantly, being occupied in recalculating my observations from Ugarrowwa's to Lake Albert down to date, owing to a few discrepancies here and there, which my second and third visit and duplicate and triplicate observations enabled me to correct. My occupation then ended. I was left to wonder why the large band of foragers did not return.

On the fifth day, having distributed all the stock of flour in camp, and having killed the only goat we possessed, I was compelled to open the officers' provision box and take a pound pot of butter, with two cupfuls of my flour, to make an imitation gruel, there being nothing else save tea, coffee, sugar and a pot of sago in the boxes. In the afternoon a boy died, and the condition of the majority of the rest was most disheartening. Some could not stand, falling down in the effort to do so. These constant sights acted on my nerves until I began to feel not only moral but physical sympathy, as though the weakness was contagious. Before night a Mahdi carrier died. The last of our Somalis gave signs of a collapse, and the few Soudanese with us were scarcely able to move. When the morning of the sixth day dawned, we made broth with the usual pot of butter, an abundance of water, a pot of condensed milk and a cupful of flour for 130 people.

The chiefs and Bonny were called to a council. At my suggestion of a reverse to the foragers of such a nature as to exclude our men from returning with news of the disaster, they were altogether unable to comprehend such a possibility. They believed it possible that these 150 men were searching for food, without which they would not return. They were asked to consider the supposition that they were five days searching for food, without which they would not return, and then had lost the road, perhaps, or, having no white leader, had scattered to loot goats, and had entirely forgotten their starving friends and brothers in the camp. What would be the state of the 130 people five days hence? Bonny offered to stay with ten men in the camp if I provided ten days' food for each person while I would set out to search for the missing men. Food, to make a light cupful of gruel for ten men for ten days, was not difficult to procure, but the sick and feeble remaining must starve unless I met good fortune, and accordingly a store of buttermilk, flour and biscuits was prepared and handed over to the charge of Bonny. In the afternoon of the seventh day we mustered everybody besides the garrison of the camp, ten men.

Sadia, Manyuema chief, surrendered fourteen of his men to their doom. Kibbobora, another chief, abandoned his brother, and Fundi, another Manyuema chief, left one of his wives and her little boy. We left twenty-six feeble and sick wretches, already past all hope unless food could be brought them within twenty-four hours. In a cheery tone, though my heart was never heavier, I told the forty-three hunger-bitten people that I was going back to hunt for the missing men. We travelled nine miles that afternoon, having passed several dead people on the road; and early on the eighth day of their absence from camp we met them marching in an easy fashion. But when we were met the pace was altered, so that in twenty-six hours from leaving starvation camp we were back with an abundance around us of gruel and porridge, boiling bananas, boiling plantains, roasting meat and simmering soup. This had been my nearest approach to absolute starvation in all my African experience. Altogether twenty-one persons succumbed in this dreadful camp.

On December 23d the united expedition continued the march eastward, and as we now had to work by relays, owing to the fifty extra loads, we did not reach the Ituri ferry, which was our last camp in the forest region before emerging on grass land, until January 9th. My anxiety about Mr. Jephson and Emin would not permit me to dawdle on the road, making double trips in this manner, so, selecting a rich plantation and a good camp east of the Huri river, I left Stairs in command with 124 people, including Parke and Nelson, and on January 11th I continued my march eastward. The people of the plains, fearing a repetition of the fighting of December, 1887, flocked to the camp as we advanced and formally tendered their submission, agreeing to the contributions and supplies. The blood- brotherhood was entered into, the exchange of gifts was made and a firm friendship established. The huts of our camp were constructed by natives, and food, fuel and water were brought to the expedition as soon as a halting place was decided on. We heard no news of white men on Lake Albert from the people until on the 16th, at a place called Gevaris. Messengers from Kavalli came with a packet of letters, with one letter written on three several dates, with several days' interval between, from Jephson, and two notes from Emin, confirming the news in Jephson's letter. You can but imagine the interest and surprise I felt while reading the letters by giving you extracts from them in Jephson's own words:

DUFFILI, NOVEMBER 7th, 1888.

"DEAR SIR: I am writing to tell you the position of affairs in this country, and I trust the letter will be delivered to you at Kavalli in time to warn you to be careful. On August 18th a rebellion broke out here and the Pasha and I were made prisoners. The Pasha is a complete prisoner, but I am allowed to go about the station, but my movements are watched. The rebellion has been got up by some half-dozen Egyptians  -- ; officers and clerks  -- ; and gradually others joined, some through inclination, but most through fear. The soldiers, with the exception of those at Labore, have never taken part in it, but have quietly given in to their officers. When the Pasha and I were on our way to Regaf, two men, one an officer, Abdul Vaal Effendi, and the other a clerk  -- ; went about and told to the people they had seen you, and that you were only an adventurer, and had not come from Egypt; the letters you brought from the Khedive and Nubar were forgeries; that it was untrue Khartoum had fallen, and that the Pasha and you had made a plot to take them, their wives and children out of the country and hand them over as slaves to the English. [ONE OF EMIN'S IRREGULARS DISPERSING A PARTY OF REBELS.] Such words in an ignorant, fanatical country like this acted like fire among the people, and the result was a general rebellion, and we were made prisoners. The rebels then collected the officers from the different stations and held a large meeting here to determine what measures they should take, and all those who did not join the movement were so insulted and abused that they were obliged for their own safety to acquiesce in what was done.

"The Pasha was deposed and those officers, suspected of being friendly to him were removed from their posts, and those friendly to the rebels were put in their places. It was decided to take the Pasha as a prisoner to Regaf, and some of the worst rebels were even for putting him in irons, but the officers were afraid to put their plans into execution, as the soldiers said they never would permit anyone to lay a hand on him. Plans were also made to entrap you when you returned and strip you of all you had. Things were in this condition when we were startled by the news that the Mahdi's people had arrived at Lado with three steamers and nine sandals and nuggers and had established themselves on the site of the old station. Omar Sall, their general, sent up three peacock dervishes with a letter to the Pasha demanding the instant surrender of the country. The rebel officers seized them and put them in prison and decided on war. After a few days the Mahdists attacked and captured Regaf, killing five officers and numbers of soldiers and taking many women and children prisoners, and all the stores and ammunition in the station were lost. The result of this was a general stampede of the people from the station of Brodons, Kirri, and Muggi, who fled with their women and children to Labore, abandoning almost everything. At Kirri the ammunition was abandoned, and was seized by natives. The Pasha reckons that the Mahdists number about 1600. The officers and a large number of soldiers have returned to Muggi and intend to make a stand against the Mahdists. Our position here is extremely unpleasant, for since the rebellion all is chaos and confusion. There is no head, and half a dozen conflicting orders are given every day and no one obeys. The rebel officers are wholly unable to control the soldiers. The Baris have joined the Mahdists. If they come down here with a rush nothing can save us.

"The officers are all frightened at what has taken place and are anxiously awaiting your arrival and desire to leave the country with you, for they are now really persuaded that Khartoum has fallen and that you have come from the Khedive. We are like rats in a trap. They will neither let us act nor retire, and I fear, unless you come very soon, you will be too late and our fate will be like that of the rest of the garrisons of the Soudan. Had this rebellion not happened the Pasha could have kept the Mahdists in check some time, but now he is powerless to act. I would suggest, on your arrival at Kavalli, that you write a letter in Arabic to Shukri Aga, Chief of the Mswa station, telling him of your arrival and telling him you wish to see the Pasha and myself. Write also to the Pasha or myself telling us what number of men you have with you. It would perhaps be better to write to me, as a letter to him might be confiscated. Neither the Pasha nor myself think there is the slightest danger now of any attempt to capture you, for the people are now fully persuaded that you have come from Egypt and they look to you to get them out of their difficulties. Still it would be well for you to make your camp strong. If we are not able to get out of the country, please remember me to my friends, etc. Yours faithfully,

"JEPHSON."

"Shortly after I had written you the soldiers were led by their officers to attempt to retake Regaf, but the Mahdists defended it and killed six officers and a large number of soldiers. Among the officers killed were some of the Pasha's worst enemies. The soldiers in all the stations were so panic-stricken and angry at what happened that they declared they would not attempt to fight unless the Pasha was set at liberty. So the rebel officers were obliged to free him and sent him to Wadelai where he is free to do as he pleases, but at present he has not resumed authority in the country. He is, I believe, by no means anxious to do so. We hope in a few days to be at Tunguru Station on the lake, two days by steamer from Nsabe, and I trust when we hear of your arrival that the Pasha himself will be able to come down with me to see you. We hear that the Mahdists sent steamers to Khartoum for re-enforcements. If so they cannot be up here for another six weeks. If they come up here with re-enforcements it will be all up with us, for the soldiers will never stand against them, and it will be a mere walk-over. Everyone is anxiously looking for your arrival, for the coming of the Mahdists has completely cowed them. We may just manage to get out if you do not come later than the end of December, but it is entirely impossible to foresee what will happen."

"Mogo, the messenger, not having started I send a second postscript. We were not at Tanguru on November 15th. The Mahdists surrounded Duffili station and besieged it for four days. The soldiers, of whom there are about 500, managed to repulse them and they retired to Regaf, their headquarters, as they have sent down to Khartoum for re-enforcements and doubtless will attack again when strengthened. In our flight from Wadelai, the officers requested me to destroy our boats and the advances. I therefore broke it up. Duffili is being renovated as fast as possible. The Pasha is unable to move hand or foot as there is still a very strong party against him, as officers are no longer in immediate fear of the Mahdists. Do not on any account come down to us at my former camp on the lake near Kavalli Island, but make your camp at Kavalli on the plateau above. Send a letter directly you arrive there, and as soon as we hear of your arrival I will come to you. I will not disguise facts from you that you will have a difficult and dangerous work before you in dealing with the Pasha's people. I trust you will arrive before the Mahdists are re-enforced or our case will be desperate. Yours faithfully,

"JEPHSON."

"Be wise, be quick, and waste no time. Bring Buifa and your own Soudanese with you. I have read your letters half a dozen times over, but fail to grasp the situation thoroughly, because in some important details one letter contradicts the other. In one you say the Pasha is a close prisoner, while you are allowed a certain amount of liberty. In the other you say you will come to me as soon as you hear of our arrival here, and 'I trust,' you say, 'that the Pasha will be able to accompany me.' Being prisoners, I fail to see how you could leave Tunguru at all. All this is not very clear to us, who are fresh from the bush. If the Pasha can come, send a courier on your arrival at your camp on the lake below here to announce the fact and I will send a strong detachment to escort him to the plateau; even to carry him if he needs it. I feel too exhausted after my 1300 miles of travel since I parted from you last May to go down to the lake again. The Pasha must have some pity for me. Don't be alarmed or uneasy on our account. Nothing hostile can approach us within twelve miles without my knowing it. I am in the thickest of a friendly population, and if I sound a war note, within four hours I can have 2000 warriors to assist me to repel any force disposed to violence, and if it is to be a war, why then I am ready for the cunningest Arab alive. I have read your letter a half-dozen times and my opinion of you varies with each reading. Sometimes I fancy you are half Mahdist or Arabist, then Eminist. I shall be wiser when I see you. Now, don't you be perverse, but obey and let my order to you be as a frontlet between the eyes, and all, with God's gracious help, will end well. I want to help the Pasha somehow, but he must also help me and credit me."

KAVALLI, Jan. 18th, 3 P.M.

"My DEAR SIR: --I now send thirty rifles and Kavalli's men down to the lake with my letters, with my urgent instructions that a canoe should be set off. [Torturing the Mahdi's dervishes, by order of Emin Pasha's rebel officers.] I may be able to stay longer than six days here, perhaps ten. I will do my best to prolong my stay until you arrive, without rupturing the peace. Our people have a good store of beads and couriers' clothes, and I notice that the natives trade very easily, which will assist Kavalli's resources should he get uneasy under our prolonged visit. Should we get out of this trouble, I am his most devoted servant and friend; but if he hesitates again, I shall be plunged in wonder and perplexity. I could save a dozen pashas if they were willing to be saved. I would go on my knees and implore the Pasha to be sensible of his own case. He is wise enough in all things else, even for his own interest. Be kind and good to him for his many virtues, but do not you be drawn into the fatal fascination the Soudan territory seems to have for all Europeans in late years. As they touch its ground they seem to be drawn into a whirlpool, which sucks them in and devours them with its waves. The only way to avoid it is to obey blindly, devotedly and unquestionably all orders from the outside. The committee said: 'Relieve Emin with this ammunition. If he wishes to come out, the ammunition will enable him to do so. If he elects to stay, it will be of service to him.' [THE COURIER TAKING EMIN'S LETTER.] The Khedive said the same thing, and added that if the Pasha and his officers wished to stay they could do so on their own responsibility. Sir Evelyn Baring said the same thing in clear, decided words, and here I am after 4100 miles' travel with the last instalment of relief. Let him who is authorized to take it, take it and come. I am ready to lend him all my strength and will assist him, but this time there must be no hesitation, but positive yea or nay, and home we go.

Yours sincerely,
"STANLEY"

"On February 6th, Jephson arrived in the afternoon at our camp at Kavalli. I was startled to hear Jephson, in plain, undoubting words, say, 'Sentiment is the Pasha's worst enemy. No one keeps Emin back but Emin himself.' This is the summary of what Jephson learned during the nine months from May 25, 1888, to February 6, 1889. I gathered sufficient from Jephson's verbal report to conclude that during nine months neither the Pasha, Casati nor any man in the province had arrived nearer any other conclusion than what was told us ten months before. However, the diversion in our favor created by the Mahdist's invasion and the dreadful slaughter they made of all they met inspired us with hope that we could get a definite answer at last. Though Jephson could only say: 'I really can't tell you what the Pasha means to do. He says he wishes to go away, but will not move. No one will move. It is impossible to say what any man will do. Perhaps another advance by the Mahdists will send them all pell-mell towards you, to be again irresolute and requiring several weeks' rest.'"

"'SIR:  -- ; In answer to your letter of the 7th inst., I have the honor to inform you that yesterday I arrived here with my two steamers, carrying a first lot of people desirous to leave this country under your escort. As soon as I have arranged for a cover for my people, the steamers have to start for Mswa Station to bring on another lot of people. Awaiting transport with me are some twelve officers anxious to see you, and only forty soldiers. They have come under my orders to request you to give them some time to bring their brothers from Wadelai, and I promised them to do my best to assist them. Things having, to some extent, now changed, you will be able to make them undergo whatever conditions you see fit to impose upon them. To arrange these I shall start from here with officers for your camp, after having provided for the camp, and if you send carriers I could avail me of some of them. I hope sincerely that the great difficulties you had to undergo and the great sacrifices made by your expedition on its way to assist us, may be rewarded by full success in bringing out my people. The wave of insanity which overran the country has subsided, and of such people as are now coming with me, we may be sure. Permit me to express once more my cordial thanks for whatever you have done for us.

"'Yours,'
'EMIN.' "

"You know that all the stretch of country between Yambuya and this place is an absolutely new country, except what may be measured by five ordinary marches. First, there is that dead white of the map now changed to a dead black. I mean that the region of earth confined between east longitude 25 degrees and south latitude 29 degrees 45 minutes is one great compact of a remorselessly sullen forest with a growth of an untold number of ages, swarming at stated intervals with immense numbers of vicious man-eating savages, and crafty undersized men, who were unceasing in their annoyance. Then there is that belt of grass land lying between it and Albert N'yanza, whose people contested every mile of our advance with spirit, and made us think that they were guardians of some priceless treasure hidden in the N'yanza shores or at war with Emin Pasha and his thousands. Sir Percival in search of the Holy Grail could not have met with hotter opposition. Three separate times necessity compelled us to traverse these unholy regions with varying fortunes."

"Incidents then crowded fast. Emin Pasha was a prisoner, and an officer of ours was his forced companion, and it really appeared as though we were to be added to the list. But there is virtue, you know, even in striving unyieldingly, in hardening the nerves and facing those overclinging mischances without paying too much heed to the reputed danger. One is assisted much by knowing that there are no other coups, and the danger, somehow, nine times out of ten, diminishes. The rebels of Emin Pasha's Government relied on their craft and on the wiles of the heathen Chinee, and it is rather amusing to look back and note how punishment has fallen on them. Was it Providence or luck? Let those who love to analyze such matters reflect. Traitors without the camp and, traitors within were watching, and the most active conspirator was discovered, tried and hanged. The traitors without fell afoul of one another and ruined themselves. If not luck, then it is surely Providence in answer to good men's prayers. Far away our own people, tempted by extreme wretchedness and misery, sold our rifles and ammunition to our natural enemies, the Manyuema, the slave traders' true friends, without the least grace in either bodies or souls. What happy influence was it that restrained me from destroying all those concerned in it? Each time I read the story of Captain Nelson's sufferings I feel vexed at my forbearance, [ALONG THE UPPER ARUWIMI.] and yet again I feel thankful, for a higher power than man's severely afflicted the cold-blooded murderers by causing them to feed upon one another a few weeks after the rescue and relief of Nelson and Parke. The memory of those days at times hardens and again unmans me."

Continuing a report of his discoveries, written Sept. 8th, 1888, from a natunda village on the Ituri, to Col. J.A. Grant, a member of the Relief Committee, he says:

"My DEAR GRANT: --I have only been able to write scrappy letters hitherto, though I start them with a strong inclination to give our friends a complete story of our various marches and their incidents. But so far I have been compelled to hurriedly close lest I should miss the opportunity to send them. This one, for instance, I know not how to send at present, but an accidental arrival of a caravan or an accidental detention of the expedition may furnish the means. I will trust to chance and write, nevertheless. [PUNISHMENT OF A TRAITOR.]

"You, more than any of the committee, are interested in Lake Albert. Let us deal with that first. When on December 13th, 1887, we sighted the lake, the southern part lay at our feet almost like an immense map. We glanced rapidly [Stanley's and Emin Pasha's forces on the march to the coast.] over the grosser details, the lofty plateau, the wall of Unyoro to the east and that of Baregga to the west, rising nearly 3000 feet above the silver water, and between the hills the stretched out plains, seemingly very flat and grassy, with here and there a dark clump of brushwood, which, as the plain trended southwesterly, became a thin forest. The south-west edge of the lake I fixed at nine miles in a direct south-westerly line from this place. This will make the terminus of the south-west corner 1 deg. and 17 min. north latitude, by prismatic compass, magnetic bearing; of the south-east corner just south of a number of falls 1 deg. 37 min. This will make it about 1 deg. 11 min. 3° sec., north latitude, magnetic bearing of 1 deg. 48 min. Taken from north latitude 1 deg. 25 min. 3° sec., this exactly describes the line of shore running from the south-west corner of the lake to the south-east corner of Albert. Baker fixed his position latitude 1 deg. 15 min. north if I recollect rightly. The centre of Mbakovia terrace bears 1 deg. 21 min. 3° sec. magnetic from my first point of observation. This will make his Vacovia about 11 deg. 15 min. 45 sec., allowing 10 deg. west variation.

"In trying to solve the problem of the infinity of Lake Albert, as sketched by Baker, and finding that the lake terminus is only four miles south of where he stood to view it 'from a little hill' and on 'a beautiful clear day,' one would feel almost justified in saying he had never seen the lake. But his position of Vacovia proves that he actually was there, and the general correctness of his outline of the east coast of Vacovia to Magungo also proves that he navigated the lake.

"When we turn our faces north-east we saw that Baker had done exceedingly well; but when we turn them southward our senses in vain try to penetrate the mystery, because our eyes see not what Baker saw. With Lieut. Stairs, Mounteney Jephson, Surgeon Parke, Emin Pasha, Capt. Casati, I look with my own eyes upon the scene. I find Baker has made an error. I am somewhat surprised also at Baker's altitudes of Lake Albert and the Blue Mountains, and at the breadth attributed by him to the lake. The shore opposite Vacovia is ten and a quarter miles distant, not forty or fifty miles. The Blue Mountains are nothing else but a vast upland, the highest cone or hill being not above 6000 feet above the level of the sea. The altitude of Lake Albert by the aneroid and the boiling point will not exceed 2350 feet.

"Last of all, away to the south-west, where he has sketched his infinite stretch of the lake, there rises about forty miles from Vacovia an immense snowy mountain, a solid, square-browed mass with an almost level summit between two lofty ridges. If it was a beautifully clear day he should have seen this, being nearer to it by thirteen geographical miles than I was.

"About the lake discovered by me in 1876 I can learn very little from the natives. At the chief of Kavalli's I saw two natives who came from that region. One of them hailed from Unyampaka and the other from Usongora. The first said that the Albert Lake is much larger than that near Unyampaka. The other said that the southern lake is the larger, as it takes two days to cross it. He describes it as being a month's march from Kavalli. Their accounts differ so much that one is almost tempted to believe that there are two lakes, the smaller one near Unyampaka, and connected by a river or channel with that of Usongora.

"My interest is greatly excited, as you may imagine, by the discovery of Ruewenzori, the snowy mountain, and a possible rival of Kilima Njaro. Remember that we are in north latitude, and that this mountain must he near or on the Equator itself; that it is summer now, and that we saw it in the latter part of May; that the snow line was estimated at about 1000 feet below the summit.

"Hence, I conclude that it is not Mount Gordon Bennett, seen in December, 1876  -- ; though it may be so  -- ; which the natives said had only snow occasionally. At the time I saw the latter there was no snow visible. It is a little further east, according to the position I gave it, than Ruewenzori. All questions which this mountain naturally gives rise to will be settled, I hope, by this expedition before it returns to the sea.

"If at all near my line of march, its length, height and local history will be ascertained. Many rivers will be found to issue from this curious land between the two Muta Nzigas. What rivers are they? Do they belong to the Nile or the Congo? There is no river going east or south- east from this section except the Katonga and Kafur, and both must receive, if any, but a very small supply from Mount Gordon Bennett and the Ruewenzori. The new mountain must, therefore, be drained principally south and west; if south, the streams have connection with the lake south; if west, Semliki, a tributary of Lake Albert and some river flowing to the Congo must receive the rest of its waters. Then, if the lake south receives any considerable supply, the interest deepens. Does the lake discharge its surplus to the Nile or the Congo? If to the former, then it would be of great interest to you, and you will have to admit that Lake Victoria is not the main source of the Nile. If to the Congo, then the lake will be the source of the River Lowa or Loa, since it is the largest tributary to the Congo from the east between the Aruwimi and Luama.

"For your comfort, I will dare to venture an opinion even now that the lake is the source of the Lowa, though I know nothing positive of the matter; but I infer from the bold manner in which the Aruwimi trenches upon the domain that anyone would have imagined that it belonged to the Nile. It was only ten minutes' march between the head of one of its streams to the crest of the plateau whence we looked down upon Albert N'yanza. From the mouth of Aruwimi to the head of this stream are 390 geographical miles in a straight line. Well, next to the Aruwimi in size is the Lowa river, and from the mouth of the Lowa to the longitude of Ugampaka Post, in a direct line, it is only 240 geographical miles.

"Yours, very sincerely,
"HENRY M. STANLEY."

"I reached. the Albert N'yanza from Banalya for the third time in 140 days, and found out that Emin and Jephson had both been prisoners since the 18th of August, 1888, being the day after I made the discovery that Barttelot's caravan had been wrecked. The troops in the Equatorial Province had revolted and shaken off all allegiance. Shortly after the Mahdists invaded the Province in full force. After the first battle in May, the stations yielded and a panic struck the natives, who joined the invaders and assisted in the work of destruction. [View on the Semliki River]

"The invaders subsequently suffered reverses, and dispatched a steamer to Khartoum for re- enforcements. I found a letter waiting for me near the Albert N'yanza exposing the dangerous position of the survivors, and urging the immediate necessity of my arrival before the end of December, otherwise it would be too late. I arrived there on the 18th of January for the third time."

Journeying thus back and forth with seemingly endless sufferings, and a disappointment connected with every return to the lake, Stanley became at length exasperated, and resolved upon heroic action to prevent his labors from resulting in failure, which the civilized world might really regard a farce. Emin was still at Wadelai, and appeared to have no inclination to remove from that place to join Stanley, though his indefinite letters in reply to Stanley's requests left it impossible to determine whether he wished to escape or remain. [Stanley bagging an antelope] Stanley's anxiety grew greater as the indecision of Emin showed no signs of changing, and finally led to the transmission of a letter couched in such language that it brought a reply from Emin asking Stanley's indulgence for a time until he could communicate with his people and ascertain whether or not they desired to leave the Equatorial Province under Stanley's escort. This was the most pointed reply Emin had yet made, although it added little hope to the situation, for Emin's people were scattered over a large territory, and it would require months of time to collect them together in the event that they decided to leave the country. But Stanley's patience seems to be inexhaustible, and he concluded to wait, devoting the period of provoking delay to an examination of the country and to such sport as the great amount of game in the lake districts afforded.

At length a villager was met who gave the hunters the pleasing information that two lions had visited the district on the night before, and had been frightened from the carcass of a giraffe  -- ; quite as uncommon in that region as the lion  -- ; which they had more than half devoured. This was good news, indeed, as the lions were now not only located, but it might be certainly depended upon that they would return to the feast sometime in the night. The hunters accordingly followed a guide to the place where the remains of the carcass lay, and finding it on the edge of a wooded country, they had no difficulty in securing a safe position in neighboring trees.

The moon did not rise until nearly midnight, so that the hunters set up a piece of paper on a stick near the carcass, to serve them in definitely locating the lions in case they made their visit to the body while it was yet dark. But this precaution was unnecessary, for the hunters spent a very uncomfortable four hours in their perches without hearing any sounds of game whatever. At length the moon arose in great majesty, flooding the plain and primeval forest, presenting at once a magnificent and romantic view. A half-hour afterwards the hunters were greeted with a yet more interesting sight, when they beheld the forms of no less than three lions, two of which were of immense size. They made their approach slowly, as if expecting an interruption, but finding everything still, they came on with more confidence, though the largest one appeared the most timid, evidently taking upon himself the responsibility of chief watcher. The hunters reserved their fire until two of the great beasts crouched upon the shoulders of the carcass and began devouring the body. At this instant two shots rang out almost simultaneously, followed quickly by two others, and a roaring and growling from two wounded lions that was truly frightful to hear. The one that acted as sentry bounded off, but was evidently hit in the hind quarters, from the manner in which he dragged his left leg; another escaped unhurt, but the smallest of the three had been struck by two bullets and was unable to rise, but it rolled over in agony, clawing at everything in reach, and growling with a savageness that was appalling. From their perches the hunters poured shot after shot into its body, but apparently to no effect, until at least twenty shots had been fired before it ceased to struggle violently. When at last death was certain, Stanley left his position in the tree and approached the body, which he found to be bleeding from so many wounds that the hide was considered useless, every shot, apparently, having taken effect, and several had passed entirely through the body.

The hunt having terminated so favorably, Stanley and Williams returned to the camp, bearing as a trophy the head of the royal beast to serve as evidence of the truth of their story.

About the middle of February another hunting party was formed, not so much for pleasure as for food, since a supply of fresh meat could only be obtained by purchasing goats of the natives at an exorbitant price, or by shooting antelopes and buffaloes, which, fortunately, were fairly abundant. Stanley accompanied the party, carrying a Reilly rifle of large calibre, as it was his ambition to bag one or more elephants after a sufficient supply of meat had been secured, and it was his good fortune to meet with success in this desire. In the regions of the Ruewenzori mountains, south of Lake Albert, is a splendid range of grass lands, fairly teeming with game of the largest species, and about the small lakes and ponds, which are not infrequent in that district, elephants are more numerous than in any other region of Africa, unless it be along the most fertile stretches of the Congo banks.

It was not therefore a difficult matter for Mr. Stanley and his beaters to find abundant adventure among the vast herds of elephants that make the plains of this mountainous country their favorite grazing grounds.

"Until recently we had heard a great deal about Tipo Tib's store of ivory  -- ; an enormous possession. Ward and other officers of the Belgian company saw it; and some of them could have related terrible tales of its history. There were tusks which told their own dark records, blackened with the fire of the burning villages from which they had been dragged; others stained by long burial in out-of-the-way places, and only unearthed by their wretched owners for the ransoming of wives and children. There may have been tusks, and no doubt there were, which had been obtained in the way of legitimate trade; but, as a rule, the ivory of the Arab hunter is plunder. It constitutes a vast store, and of enormous value. There are said to be about 200,000 elephants, in about 15,000 herds, in the Congo basin. Each carrying on an average about fifty pounds of ivory in his head, these represent in the European market $5,000,000. But of yet greater value than the ivory of Central Africa is the rubber, palm oil, and orchilla weed which that region produces in most remarkable abundance. If every warrior living on the immediate banks of the Congo and its navigable affluents  -- ; which are of the aggregate length of 10,800 miles, within easy reach of the trader above Leopoldville  -- ; were to pick about a third of a pound of rubber each day throughout the year, or to melt two- thirds of a pound weight of palm oil, and convey it to the trader for sale, $5,000,000 worth of vegetable produce could be obtained without exhaustion of the wild forest productions. At the same time, although limited as compared with other products, ivory remains a very valuable article of commerce. If 200 tusks arrived per week at Stanley Pool, or say 520,000 pounds of ivory per annum, it would still require twenty-five years to destroy the elephants in the Congo basin. This estimate will enable the reader to realize the value of Tipo Tib's store, numbering hundreds of tusks, averaging certainly not less than fifty pounds each in weight."

Mr. Johnston's experiences on his ascent of the Congo bear out other reports of the "happy hunting ground." The elephant seems to be in full and haughty possession of plain and forest. Canoeing or steaming up the river, you see, every morning, the previous night's devastations of the elephants, who break and destroy much beautiful vegetation, and often waste more than they eat. They are much more commonly seen during the dry season, at which time, the smaller streams being exhausted, the elephants have to seek the Congo for their bath and their drink. "Although they are much more frequently met with above Stanley Pool, still in certain districts of the lower river they are common, especially in the cataract region. In the country opposite Isangila elephants were often shot by members of Mr. Stanley's expedition; and at the Livingstone mission station of Banza Manteka, fifteen miles from the south bank of the Congo, elephants have at times trooped in long procession past the door of the mission house, while the awe-stricken missionaries shut themselves up securely within."

Stanley sent his men to assist the removal of Emin and his people, or rather to bring their effects that had been landed from the steamers, to the plateau camp above Kavalli, from which point the start was to be made. Selim Bey was sent up to Wadelai to muster the people about Tunguru and Duffili, and bring them by steamer to the Kavalli camp, but now the greater vexations began, because at the rate that Selim was collecting the Pasha's people, it would require three months to get them together; besides, the goods brought down from Wadelai and landed at Kavalli were of a character that could not possibly be carried so great a distance as lay before them. Without their effects the people did not want to move, and here was at once a dilemma that exhausted all the vast store of patience that Stanley is credited with. Emin Pasha had no influence whatever over his people, and with Casati's efforts to persuade him to remain, the prospects for conducting him out of the country were for a time cheerless indeed. In a few days the Egyptians in camp promised to leave with Emin and Stanley for the coast, but they soon changed their minds, after reflecting on the privations of such a march as lay before them, while the Mahdi enemies were now far away to the north, and a life of elegant ease was theirs while on the N'yanza Lake.

"* * * I did not think I should be drawn into this matter at all, having formed my own plans some time before; but it intensified my feelings greatly when I was told that, after waiting forty- four days, building their camps for them, and carrying nearly fourteen hundred loads for them up that high plateau wall, only a few out of the entire number would follow us. But on the day after I was informed that there had been an alarm in my camp the night before; the Zanzibari quarters had been entered by the Pasha's people, and an attempt made to abstract the rifles. This it was which urged me to immediate action.

"I knew there had been conspiracies in the camp, that the malcontents were increasing, that we had many rebels at heart among us, that the people dreaded the march more than they feared the natives; but I scarcely believed that they would dare put into practice their disloyal ideas in my camp.

"I proceeded to the Pasha to consult with him, but the Pasha would consent to no proposition  -- ; not but what they appeared necessary and good, but he could not, owing to the want of time, etc. Yet the Pasha the evening before had received a post from Wadelai which brought him terrible tales of disorder, distress and helplessness among Selim Bey and his faction, and the rebels and their adherents.

"I accordingly informed him that I proposed to act immediately, and would ascertain for myself what this hidden danger in the camp was, and, as a first step, I would be obliged if the Pasha would signal for general muster of the principal Egyptians in the square of the camp.

"The summons being sounded, and not attended to quickly enough to satisfy me, half a company of Zanzibaris were detailed to take sticks and rout everyone from their huts. Dismayed by these energetic measures, they poured into the square, which was surrounded by rifles.

"On being questioned, they denied all knowledge of any plot to steal the rifles from us, or to fight, or to withstand in any manner any order. It was then proposed that those who desired to accompany us to Zanzibar should step on one side. They all hastened to one side except two of the Pasha's servants. The rest of the Pasha's people, having paid no attention to the summons, were secured in their huts, and brought to the camp square, where some were flogged, and others ironed and put under guard.

"'Now, Pasha,' I said, 'will you be good enough to tell these Arabs that these rebellious tricks of Wadelai and Duffili people must cease here, for at the first move made by them I shall be obliged to exterminate them utterly.'

"On the Pasha translating, the Arabs bowed, and vowed that they would obey their father religiously.

"At the muster this curious result was returned: There were with us 134 men, 84 married women, 187 female domestics, 74 children above two years of age, 35 infants in arms; making a total of 514. I have reason to believe that the number was nearer 600, as many were not reported from a fear, probably, that some would be taken prisoners."

"MSLALA, August 23, 1889.

"SIR: Having reached, under the escort of Mr. Stanley's expedition, to-day, this place, I cannot but hasten to write just two words to tell you how deeply we all appreciate the generous help you have sent us. When, in the stress of adversity, I first ventured to make an appeal to the world asking assistance for my people, I was well aware of such an appeal not passing unheard, but I never once fancied the possibility of such kindness as you and the subscribers of the Relief Fund have shown us.

"It would be impossible to tell you what has happened here after Mr. Stanley's first start; his graphic pen will tell you everything much better than I could. I hope, also, the Egyptian Government permitting it, some future day to be allowed to present myself before you, and to express to you then the feelings of gratitude my pen would be short in expressing in a personal interview.

"Until such happy moments come, I beg to ask you to transmit to all subscribers of the fund the sincerest thanks of a handful of forlorn people, who, through your instrumentality, have been saved from destruction, and now hope to embrace their relatives.

"To speak here of Mr. Stanley's and his officers' merits would be inadequate. If I live to return, I shall make my acknowledgments.

"I am, sir, with many and many thanks,

"Yours very obliged,
"DR. EMIN.

"W. McKinnon, Esq., Chairman of Committee of the
               Relief Expedition Fund."

"we set out from Kavalli in number about 1500, for 350 native carriers had been enrolled from the district to assist in carrying the baggage of the Pasha's people, whose ideas as to what was essential for the march were very crude. On the 12th we camped at Mazamboni's; but in the night I was struck down with a severe illness which well-nigh proved fatal.

"During my illness  -- ; of twenty-eight days  -- ; another conspiracy, or rather several conspiracies were afloat, but only one was attempted to be realized, and the ringleader of that one, a slave of Awash Effendi's, whom I had made free at Kavalli, was arrested, and after court-martial, which found him guilty, was executed.

"The route I had adopted was one which skirted the Balegga Mountains at a distance of forty miles or thereabouts from the N'yanza. The first day was a fairish path, but the three following days tried our Egyptians sorely, because of the ups and downs and the breaks of cone-grass. On arriving at the southern end of these mountains we were made aware that our march was not to be uninterrupted, for the King of Unyoro had made a bold push, and had annexed a respectable extent of country on the left side of the Semliki river, which embraced all the open grass-land between the Semliki river and the forest region. Thus, without making an immense detour through the forest, which would have been fatal to most of the Egyptians, we had no option but to press on, despite Kabba Rega and his Warasura. This latter name is given to the Wanyoro by all natives who have come in contact with them.

"The first day's encounter was decidedly in our favor, and the effect of if cleared the territory as far as the Semliki river free of the Warasura.

"Meantime we had become aware that we were on the threshold of a region which promised to be very interesting, for daily, as we advanced to the southward, the great snowy range which had so suddenly arrested our attention and excited our intense interest (on May I, 1888) grew larger and bolder into view. It extended a long distance to the south-west, which would inevitably take us some distance off our course unless a pass could be discovered to shorten the distance to the countries south. At Buhobo, where we had a brief skirmish with Kabba Rega's raiders, we stood on the summit of the hilly range which bounds the Semliki Valley on its north-west and south-west sides. On the opposite side rose Ruewenzori, the Snow Mountain, and its enormous eastern flank, which dipped down gradually until it fell into the level, and was seemingly joined with the table-land of Unyoro. The humpy western flank dipped down suddenly, as it seemed to us, into lands that we knew not by name as yet. Between these opposing barriers spread the Semliki Valley  -- ; so like a lake at its eastern extremity that one of our officers exclaimed that it was the lake, and the female followers of the Egyptians set up a shrill 'Lululus' on seeing their own lake, the Albert N'yanza, again. With the naked eye it did appear like the lake, but a field-glass revealed that it was a level grassy plain, white with the ripeness of its grass. Those who have read Sir Samuel Baker's 'Albert N'yanza' will remember the passage wherein he states that to the south- west the N'yanza stretches 'illimitably.' He might well be in error at such a distance, when our own people, with the plain scarcely four miles away, mistook the plain for the N'yanza. As the plain recedes south-westerly the bushes become thicker; finally acacias appear in their forests, and, beyond these again, the dead black thickness of an impenetrable tropical forest; but the plain, as far as the eye could command, continued to lie ten to twelve miles wide between these mountain barriers, and through the centre of it  -- ; sometimes inclining towards the south-east mountains, sometimes to the south-west range  -- ; the Semliki river pours its waters towards the Albert N'yanza.

"In two marches from Buhobo we stood upon its banks, and, alas for Mason Bey and Gessi Pasha! Had they but halted their steamers for half an hour to examine this river, it would have been sufficient to excite much geographical interest; for the river is a powerful stream from eighty to one hundred yards wide, averaging nine feet depth from side to side, and having a current from three and a half to four knots per hour, in size about equal to two-thirds of the Victoria Nile. [A WARASURA WARRIOR.]

"As we were crossing this river the Warasura attacked us from the rear with a well-directed volley, but, fortunately, the distance was too great. They were chased for some miles; but, fleet as greyhounds, they fled, so there were no casualties to report on either side.

"We entered the Awamba country on the eastern shore of the Semliki, and our marches for several days afterwards were through plantain plantations, which flourished in the clearings made in this truly African forest. Finally, we struck the open again immediately under Ruewenzori itself. Much, however, as we had flattered ourselves that we should see some marvellous scenery, the Snow Mountain was very coy, and hard to distinguish. On most days it loomed impending over us like a tropical storm- cloud, ready to dissolve in rain and ruin on us. Near sunset a peak or two here, a crest there, a ridge beyond, white with snow, shot into view  -- ; jagged clouds whirling and eddying round them, and then the darkness of night. Often at sunrise, too, Ruewenzori would appear fresh, clean, brightly pure; profound blue voids above and around it; every line and dent, knoll and turret-like crag deeply marked and clearly visible. But presently all would be buried under mass upon mass of mist, until the immense mountain was no more visible than if we were thousands of miles away. And then, also, the Snow Mountain being set deeply in the range, the nearer we approached the base of the range the less we saw of it, for higher ridges obtruded themselves and barred the view. Still, we have obtained three remarkable views  -- ; one from the N'yanza Plain, another from Kavalli, and a third from the South Point.

"In altitude above the sea I should estimate it to be between 18,000 and 19,000 feet. We cannot trust our triangulations, for the angles are too small. When we were in positions to ascertain it correctly, the inconstant mountain gathered his cloudy blankets around him and hid himself from view; but a clear view, from the loftiest summit down to the lowest reach of the snow; obtained from a place called Karimi, makes me confident that the height is between the figures stated above.

"It took us nineteen marches to reach the south-west angle of the range, the Semliki Valley being below us on our right, and which, if the tedious mist had permitted, would have been exposed in every detail. That part of the valley traversed by us is generally known under the name of Awamba, while the habitable portion of the range is principally denominated Ukonju. The huts of these natives, the Bakonju, are seen as high as 8000 feet above the sea.

"Almost all our officers had at one time a keen desire to distinguish themselves as the climbers of these African Alps, but, unfortunately, they were in a very unfit condition for such a work. The Pasha only managed to get 1000 feet higher than our camp, but Lieutenant Stairs reached the height of 10,677 feet above the sea, but had the mortification to find two deep gulfs between him and the Snowy Mount proper. He brought, however, a good collection of plants, among which were giant heather, blackberries and bilberries. The Pasha was in his element among these plants, and has classified them.

"The first day we had disentangled ourselves of the forest proper, and its outskirts of straggling bush, we looked down from the grassy shelf below the Ruewenzori range and saw a grassy plain, level seemingly as a bowling-green, the very duplicate of that which is seen at the extremity of the Albert N'yanza, extending southerly from the forest of the Semliki Valley. We then knew that we were not far from the Southern Lake discovered by me in 1877.

"Under guidance of the Wakonju I sent Lieutenant Stairs to examine the river, said to flow from the Southern N'yanza. He returned next day, reporting it to be the Semliki river, narrowed down to a stream forty-two yards wide and about ten feet deep, flowing, as the canoe- men on its banks said, to the N'yanza Utuku, or N'yanza of Unyoro  -- ; the Albert N'yanza. Besides native reports, he had other corroborative evidence to prove it to be the Semliki.

"On the second march from the confines of Awavela we entered Usongora,  -- ; a grassy region as opposite in appearance from the perpetual spring of Ukonju as a droughty land could well be. This country bounds the Southern N'yanza on its northern and north-western side.

"Our road from Kative lay east and north- east, to round the bay-like extension of the N'yanza lying between Usongora and Unyampaka, and it happened to be the same taken by the main body of the Warasura in their hasty retreat from the salt-lake. On entering Uhaiyana, which is to the south of Toro, and in the uplands, we had passed the northern head of the N'yanza, or Beatrice Gulf, and the route to the south was open  -- ; not, however, without another encounter with the Warasura.

"A few days later we entered Unyampaka, which I had visited in January, 1876. Ringi, the king, declined to enter into the cause of Unroyo, and allowed us to feed on his bananas unquestioned. After following the lake shore until it turned too far to the south-west, we struck for the lofty uplands of Ankori, by the natives of which we were well received, preceded, as we had been, by the reports of our good deeds in relieving the salt-lake of the presence of the universally obnoxious Warasura.

"If you draw a straight line from the N'yanza to the Uzinja shores of the Victoria Lake, it would represent pretty fairly our course through Ankori, Karagwe, and Uhaiya to Uzinja. Ankori was open to us, because we had driven the Wayneyoro from the salt-lake. The story was an open sesame. There also existed a wholesome fear of an expedition which had done that which all the power of Ankori could not have done. Karagwe was open to us, because free-trade is the policy of the Wanyambu, and because the Waganda were too much engrossed with their civil war to interfere with our passage. Uhaiya admitted our entrance without cavil, out of respect to our numbers, and because we were well introduced by the Wanyambu, and the Wakwiya guided us in like manner to be welcomed by the Wazinja. Nothing happened during the long journey from the Albert Lake to cause us any regret that we had taken this straight course; but we have suffered from an unprecedented number of fevers. We have had as many as 150 cases in one day. Ankori is so beswept with cold winds that the expedition wilted under them. Seasoned veterans like the Pasha and Captain Casati were prostrated time after time, and both were reduced to excessive weakness like ourselves. Our blacks, regardless of their tribes, tumbled headlong into the long grass to sleep their fever fits off. Some, after a short illness, died. The daily fatigues of the march, an ulcer, a fit of fever, a touch of bowel complaint, caused the Egyptians to hide in any cover along the route; and, being unperceived by the rear guard of the expedition, were left to the doubtful treatment of natives of whose language they were utterly ignorant. In the month of July we lost 141 of their number in this manner.

"Out of respect to the first British prince, who has shown an interest in African geography, we have named the southern N'yanza  -- ; to distinguish it from the other two N'yanzas  -- ; the Albert Edward N'yanza. It is not a very large lake. Compared to the Victoria, the Tanganyika, and the Nyassa, it is small, but its importance and interest lie in the sole fact that it is the receiver of all the streams at the extremity of the south-western or left Nile basins, and discharges these waters by one river, the Semliki, into the Albert N'yanza, in like manner as Lake Victoria receives all streams from the extremity of the south-eastern or right Nile basin, and pours these waters by the Victoria Nile into the Albert N'yanza.

"These two Niles, amalgamating in Lake Albert, leave this under the well-known name of White Nile.

"The southernmost stretch of the Ruewenzori range projects like a promontory between two broad extents of the ancient bed of the Albert Edward formerly known as the Muta Nziga. To avoid the long detour, we cross this hilly promontory in a south-easterly direction from the Semliki Valley, and enter eastern Usongora, and are in a land as different from that at the northwestern base of the Ruewenzori as early summer is from mid-winter. As we continue easterly, we have Ruewenzori on our left now, and the strangely configured Albert Edward N'yanza on our right. The broad plains which extend between were once covered by this lake. Indeed, for miles along its border there are breadths of far-reaching tongues of swamp penetrating inland. Streams of considerable volume pour through these plains towards the N'yanza from Ruewenzori, without benefiting the land in the least. Except for its covering of grass  -- ; at this season withered and dried  -- ; it might well be called a desert; yet in former times, not very remote, the plains were thickly peopled  -- ; the zeribas of milk-weed and dark circles of euphorbia, wherein the shepherds herded their cattle by night, prove that, as well as the hundreds of cattle-dung mounds we came across. The raids of Waganda and the Warasura have depopulated the land of the Wasongora, the former occupants, and have left only a miserable remnant, who subsist by doing "chores" for the Warasura, their present masters.

"From Usongora we entered Toro, the Albert Edward N'yanza being still on our right, and our course being now north-easterly, as though our purpose was to march to Lake Albert again. After about twenty miles' march we turn east, leave the plains of the Albert Edward, and ascend to the uplands of Uhaiyana, which having gaine