|Chapter XVIII.||Stanley's Expedition for the Relief of Emin Pasha - Great results - England aroused - Effect of Gordon's fate - Sir Wm. McKinnon - The Relief Committee - A call for Stanley - Honors to Stanley - A magnificent testimonial - Equipment of the expedition - Stanley's automatic gun - Departure for Africa - Discussion between Stanley, Junker and Schweinfurth - A visit with Junker and Schweinfurth - Off for Zanzibar - Engagement of Tipo Tib - The trip around Cape Good Hope - Arrangements for transporting the expedition up the Congo - Why Stanley chose the Congo route - The dangers of the route to Uganda - The great war in Uganda - Mwanga's efforts to recover his throne - Christians and Arabs in conflict - Attack on Kalema's army - The Christians again victorious - Execution of native leaders - Burning his brothers, sisters and children - A defeat - Mwanga's new following - Burned at the stake - Advices of Stanley's coming - Battle of Murchison Bay - A letter from King Mwanga - Other reasons for selecting the Congo route - The procession up the Congo - Stanley's boats - Tipo Tib and his harem - His contract with Stanley - Appearance of Tipo's wives - Amours and flirtations.|
|Chapter XIX.||The Voyage up the Congo - Wooding up - Congo Stations - Station of Lukunga - Superstitions of the natives - Ward's description of an N'Ganga N'Kissi - Witchcraft - Finding the devil - The outfit of a wizard - Drinking poison - How Ward met Stanley - Turning back to Central Africa - An interesting letter - An imposing cavalcade - Tipo Tib and his forty-two wives - A wink and a gentle stroke.|
|Chapter XX.||The Trip to Bolobo - Changes since Stanley's last visit - Arab and Zanzibarian immigration - Stanley assisted by the missionaries - Festivities of Tipo Tip's wives - How the steamers were loaded - Scenery and grandeur of the Congo - The grandest of all rivers - Country of the Ba-yanzi tribe - Musical instruments - Singular manner of dressing the hair - Adventurous incidents of the voyage - Minstrelsy and pretty women - Tipo Tib's narrow escape from a crocodile - Bolobo Station - A cluster of fifteen villages - The Ba-teke musicians - Strange superstitions - A bird of ill - omen - Ceremonies of the N'Kimba tribe - A kind of Free Masonry - Circumcision - A grand cavalcade - Stanley Falls - Tipo Tib's raids - Why Stanley contracted with Tipo Tib - Tipo's treachery.|
|Chapter XXI.||The Entrenched Camp at Yambuya - Stanley divides his command - Leads the advance on the march to relieve Emin - Sad reflections - The parting - Barttelot and the rear column - The country about Yambuya - Game of the region - A hunt - In pursuit of a rhinoceros - The rhinoceros in pursuit of the hunters - Adventure with a buffalo - A cow shot and a bull wounded - A dash at the stricken game - Barttelot tossed on the horns of a buffalo - His injuries very serious - Borne back to camp on a litter - An elephant bagged - Bonny's nerve - A king of the forest falls before his aim - A mad rush for elephant meat.|
|Chapter XXII.||Affairs Grow Desperate at Yambuya Camp - The wearying longing of an endless waiting - Tipo Tib's treachery - A slaughter of the natives - Horrible atrocities of the Arab raiders - Pickling a head - Punishment of insubordinates - Retribution on the raiders - Eating their enemies - Ward dispatched to the coast - Singular fatality - Cannibalism on the Congo - A visit to a cannibal camp - How parts of bodies are prepared and eaten - Disgusting sights - Pitiable sights in camp - Slow starvation - Threats against Barttelot's life - Fears for Stanley's safety - Efforts to hire carriers - Barttelot's attempt to go in search of Stanley - A mutiny in camp - Assassination of Barttelot - Abandonment of the Yambuya camp - Death of Jameson - Bonny left in command - Removal of the camp to Banalya.|
|Chapter XXIII.||News from Stanley and Emin - A letter from Casati - He tells of the indignities put upon him by a chief - An order for Casati's execution - Rescued by Emin - Suicide of Casati's companion - The villainy of Kabba Rega - A letter from Stanley to Tipo Tib - The latter refuses to fulfil his contract - Stanley's instructions to Barttelot - Two letters that were intercepted - Rehearsing the privations and fatalities of the march - Fighting his way - The men starving and dropping from sickness - Hewing a path through the forest - Bad boatmen - Stanley's letters to Barttelot - Rehearsing the perils of his march - A sad story of suffering and death - Slavery to the Manyuema - Anxieties.|
|Chapter XXIV.||Stanley's Description of His Journey - A previously untrodden way - Wonderful superstitions - The Alakere dwarfs - Men with tails and four eyes - Kabba Rega's fears - Stanley's story of his march - First conflict with the natives - In the wilderness - More fighting - Death and Desertion - The death march - Ravages by Arabs and elephants - Punishment of offenders - Food at last - Viewing a land of promise - Gathering for a fight - Alarum of the war-drums - Work of the sharpshooters - A sight of the N'yanza - A night attack - Inhospitableness of the natives - Retreat back to Ibwiri - A sorry review - A letter from Emin - Jephson dispatched to join Emin - Meeting with Emin - Back to Fort Bodo - Sad news - Mr. Stanley's surprise and grief - A deplorable situation - Stanley receives the news of Barttelot's death - Important discoveries - Ruewenzori, the snowy peak - Emin Pasha's forces - An argument with Emin - Disappointments.|
|Chapter XXV.||Stanley's Reply to his Critics - The venom of jealousy - Mr. Mackay, the missionary - Stanley's articles of faith - The relief of Emin Pasha explained - True purposes of the expedition - Stanley's instructions - Stanley's cold meeting with Emin - The contract with Tipo Tib - Tipo Tib's preparations to raid the Congo stations - The appointment of Barttelot - Barttelot's quick temper - Other lieutenants of Stanley's - Circumstances leading to Barttelot's death - Stanley's instructions to Barttelot - Tipo Tib's unreliability - Misrepresentations about cannabalism - Punishment of insubordinates - Blood for blood.|
|Continued in Part IIa||Chapters XXVI - XXXI and Appendix & Epilogue|
It is in these mighty results that we perceive the unlimited importance of the expedition, rather than in the triumph of the undertaking to relieve Emin Pasha, though to this latter attaches the interest of a wondrous tale.
As explained in the previous chapter, the news of Emin's imprisonment at the hand of the Mahdi set the world to planning for his release. But there was something re- enforcing this humane aspiration, and for the prompting we have not far to search, as it is well explained in the sad story of Gordon's death. The English people had nothing but condemnation for the parliament that left Gordon to his fate, for the public heart, more sympathetic, more just, than the official directory, cried, "Shame! Shame!" and paid the homage of their sorrow over the grave of that heroic man. Therefore, when an appeal for help again reached them, like a wail from that dark region, men, not parliament, answered the distress call and resolved to dispatch immediate aid to Gordon's successor. A dozen or more expeditions were proposed, not only in England but in Germany also, and the matter had profound consideration before the council called by King Leopold II., sitting as ruler of the Congo Free State. But these active preliminaries did not prevent private parties from carrying into execution a well-matured plan for relieving the imprisoned Pasha; and as private enterprises progress with greater rapidity then those under government direction, we are not surprised that the organization of an expedition was accomplished by individuals before the governments of England, Belgium or Germany had perfected their plans.
Sir William McKinnon, of Edinburgh, President of the British East Africa Association, offered to contribute the sum of $50,000, in addition to a like sum offered by the Khedive, towards equipping an expedition to rescue Emin, which generous proposal brought letters from other liberal Scotchmen and Englishmen, which finally led to the organization of what was called the "Emin Pasha Relief Committee" to which fund there were twenty-five contributors, composing a company of which Mr. McKinnon was made president. Singularly enough, the arrangements for completing the organization were made chiefly by cable, as Mr. Stanley was in America at the time under engagement to lecture. Mr. McKinnon therefore sent him a dispatch requesting him to take command of the enterprise. What other than a favorable response could the distinguished explorer make, even though it conflicted with his private interests, since his very heart was wedded to ambitions which travel in Africa could alone [H.M. STANLEY - FROM A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN JANUARY, 1887.] gratify? Besides, who else was so admirably qualified for the undertaking, and in whom would the world have such confidence? Whatever may have been his real feelings, certain it is that Stanley immediately cancelled all his engagements and entered at once into perfecting the details of the organization, and preparing the expedition for movement at the earliest possible moment.
Mr. Stanley made his preparations for almost immediate departure. He accepted the services of eight English officers, as follows: Jephson, Stairs, Jameson, Barttelot, Johnson, Nelson, Williams, and Dr. Parke, who had obtained a three-years' leave of absence from the government, and he was also accompanied by two officers of the Belgian army, who were enlisted at the request of His Majesty, King Leopold II. Among the special articles with which Mr. Stanley provided himself was a portable, steel whale-boat, which was built under his directions in thirteen days. This boat was 28 feet long, 6 feet beam and 2 feet 6 inches deep. It was built throughout of steel, and divided into twelve sections, each weighing 75 lbs., to facilitate its transportation. The sections were fitted on the edges with india-rubber, so that, when brought together and bolted, the joints were water-tight. [GOLD CASKET PRESENTED TO STANLEY.] The boat pulled ten oars besides carrying a lug sail. Her carrying capacity was twenty-two men and 1000 lbs. weight of baggage, and she could be put together in thirty-five minutes, and taken to pieces for transport in little more than half that time. Mr. Stanley's experience on his previous expedition, when crossing the continent, and the excellent uses to which he put the Lady Alice, gave him practical ideas that were of the greatest service, and which found elaboration in his steel whale-boat, which was in every sense a very model of perfection.
Dr. Schweinfurth was also in Cairo at the time of Stanley's visit, and in company with Dr. Junker called several times upon the latter. At these friendly visits the most eligible routes for reaching Emin Pasha were frequently and exhaustively discussed. Both Schweinfurth and Junker strongly advised the route leading from Zanzibar to Lake Victoria, and over which Stanley had already travelled, but notwithstanding the fact that Dr. Junker had recently escaped over this same route, Stanley looked upon it as much less secure than the approach from the west, on account of Mwanga's hostility, who held every avenue leading out of his kingdom eastward. He therefore explained his intention of proceeding by way of the Congo river, believing that with the steamers at his disposal he might reach the head of that stream in thirty-five days, after which he would have only a land march of 360 miles, from Stanley Falls.
Yet another route was discussed, viz., that which leads from the east coast through Massai land, over which Mr. J. Thomson travelled, and by which he makes the distance to Wadelai 925 miles; certainly the shortest route, but not [En route for the Congo] nearly so available as that by the Congo river, which affords excellent means for transportatiun of large quantities of stores, such as Stanley carried with him.
While Mr. Stanley did not see proper to accept the advice of Doctors Junker and Schweinfurth, he was none the less grateful for their kindly interest, and was particularly thankful to the former for the very valuable information given respecting the situation of Emin Pasha, the stations, the routes, the hostility of Mwanga, and the location and numbers of Europeans in the lake region.
Besides engaging a large party of Zanzibaris porters and soldiers, Stanley also had the good fortune to secure, for a round sum, the services of Tipo Tib, the great slave- hunter and ivory dealer, who had before acted as Stanley's guard, with a force of five hundred armed Arabs, when the latter made his celebrated march through the land of dwarfs and cannibals, as already described. This man had, since his last service with Stanley, become the most powerful slaver and merchant in all Africa. He had traversed a greater portion of the interior in a quest for ivory, taking slaves incidentally, and so overawing the natives by murderous attacks and acts of rapine that all the chiefs and nearly all the African kings stood in the greatest dread of him. During the past severa1 years he had also held the post of governor of the Kasonge district, under appointment by the Congo Association. As a Mussluman he assumed the prerogative of a Sultan, and had a harem with forty dark-eyed houris, which he had no disposition to abandon; hence, when engaging with Stanley, he made it a condition of his contract that his forty wives should bear him company on the journey.
Considerable time was spent in Zanzibar procuring supplies and men, so that Stanley did not embark for the mouth of the Congo until February 27th. His company, on leaving Zanzibar, consisted of the following persons: Dr. Parke, 61 trained Soudanese soldiers, 13 Somalis, 3 interpreters, 620 Zanzibaris, 40 Arabs, and Tipo Tib and his forty wives.
The trip around the Cape of Good Hope was a tedious one, and it was the middle of March before the expedition reached Banana Point, at the mouth of the Congo, where Stanley found seven English and two Belgian officers awaiting him. These, however, had not been idle while awaiting his arrival, for they had spent much of the time getting the steamboats on the Congo ready to transport the expedition to the first cataracts. Leopold II., as President of the Congo Association, had put several boats in the river to build up a trade with natives of the interior along that great waterway, and these were all placed at the disposal of Stanley, and upon which he had relied to make a quick passage to Stanley Falls.
The true situation of affairs in Uganda, particularly, and which led Stanley to avoid the route, which if taken would be certain to bring him into conflict with Mwanga, is graphically described in the following letter from the Rev. Mr. Mackay, which follows the course of events in the lake region from the year preceding the departure of Stanley up the Congo, until the date of the close of the expedition:
"After the overthrow of our mission and the establishment of Mohammedanism in Buganda (generally written Uganda) last October, we heard little of what was taking place there until Easter of this year. On that occasion we were visited by a few of our former pupils, who had been sent by their comrades, who had taken refuge in Busagala, to ask our advice in their troubles. They wished particularly to know if we would sanction their making an attack on the Arab usurpers in Buganda, with a view to setting some other prince on the throne; one on whom they could depend as likely to grant them liberty of worship. Many were ready to aid even Mwanga, should he venture to return to their neighborhood, thinking that even his rule would be preferable to the intolerant and fanatical government of the Mohammedan, Kalema.
"Mwanga, who had been for some months the guest of the Romish priests at Ukumbi, on learning that the Christian exiles were prepared to aid him, persuaded Mr. Stokes (formerly a missionary, but now a trader,) to take him in a boat belonging to the latter, to a point on the N'yanza, about the mouth of the Kagera river, where he hoped to be able to join the Christians.
"On hearing of this scheme we sent to warn Mwanga of the risk he was about to run, while we sent a message to our friends in Busagala, advising them not to join in an enterprise which would have all the appearance of a [King Mwanga] religious war, and which might prove disastrous to themselves. We counselled patience, as we felt sure the Buganda would soon tire of Arab rule, while Kalema himself would not long submit to be dictated to by the Arabs. Our advice was to Mwanga, if he wished to get back his throne, his best policy would be to come to some agreement with the agents of the Imperial British East African Association, who would probably be ready to aid him.
"The Buganda refugees, however, who were at Bugumbi, together with the French priests themselves, rejected our counsel of patience and recommended immediate action. Accordingly, Stokes and Mwanga embarked at Ukumbi with about fifty Buganda, arms and ammunition being supplied partly by Stokes, and partly by the priests themselves.
"Meantime, our people in Busagala had been drawn into war before the return of the messengers whom they had dispatched to us. These messengers, on their way to this place, had to pass through the country of the Bazongora, commonly called Baziba, from whom they have received two or three canoes to enable them to come here. Tidings soon reached Kalema that the Baziba had sent canoes to this quarter in order (they supposed) to fetch Mwanga. Accordingly, Kalema lost no time in dispatching an army to punish the Baziba for their action, which was regarded as rebellion. The Christians [Village of Busagala] got word of Kalema's force being on the way to attack their friends, the Baziba, and went at once to the rescue. They attacked Kalema's army and completely routed it, following up their victory far into the interior of Budu. Some then proposed returning to Busagala, but the majority advised marching right on to Kalema's capital. The counsel of the latter prevailed, and the Christians crossed the Katonga, which is the westernmost boundary of Buganda proper, where they were met by another larger force, sent by Kalema, under the command of his chief minister. A fierce battle ensued, and, although the Kalema forces were much larger, the Christians were again victorious. Their leader, named Nyonyintous, and many others were slain. Among the leaders [Kalema burns his brothers and sisters, and his own children] of Kalema's army three of the bitterest enemies of Christianity in former days were captured and executed, viz.: Chambalango, formerly known as Pokino, one of those who decreed Bishop Hannington's execution; Serukoti, murderer of the Christian Admiral Gabunga, and Masudi, the one-eyed, who, being an Arab, used to translate to the king all letters from the Consul-General to the Sultan of Zanzibar, invariably falsifying the interpretation to the prejudice of the Europeans of the country.
"Our people, disheartened by the death of their leader and many of their brethren, returned in a body to Busagala. No sooner had they reached there than they received intelligence of the arrival of Mwanga and Mr. Stokes at Duma, a little to the north of the mouth of the Kagera river. This news was brought them by the messengers whom they had sent here, and who arrived at Dumo about the same time as Mwanga himself. They were sorely puzzled on perusing the letters which he had sent them, advising them to take no action in aid of the plot to restore Mwanga. Already they had fought two battles, and many of their number were slain, while Mwanga himself had now appeared on the scene in company with an Englishman. They responded to Mwanga's call, and joined his standard near Dumo. Mwanga seems to have held a sort of court there for nearly a month, many of the heathen nations joining him, as well as not a few of the islanders from Sesse, who brought their canoes to his aid.
"Soon after, however, Mwanga's approach was reported, and a fresh army was dispatched by Kalema to meet him. Mwanga had several thousand adherents mostly armed with spear and shield, as well as about 1100 guns, while Kalema's force was vastly superior, not only in numbers, but in guns also, especially breech-loaders, several Arabs being among the leaders. A battle was fought, in which Mwanga's troops were defeated, and his chief general, Mwemba, killed. The Arabs set fire to Mwanga's camp; most of the Christians fled back to Busagala, while Mwanga himself took refuge on Stokes' boat, some 200 of his followers escaping with him in canoes, to one of the Sesse islands.
"Mwanga next proceeded with his fleet along the coast of Buganda, burning and pillaging ports, rounded the promontory of Ntebe, and, advancing up Murchison bay, finally encamped on an island named Bulinguye, opposite his former temporary capital, Munyonyo. Kalema had watched his movements, and [MWANGA'S CAMP ON BULINGUYE ISLAND.] lent a small force under an Arab named Hamis, to prevent Mwanga from landing on the mainland at Munyonyo. It will perhaps be remembered that it was at Munyonyo where Mwanga was stationed some three years ago when he ordered a general massacre of the Christians.
"The island of Bulinguye now became Mwanga's headquarters and there he was when we last heard from him, surrounded mostly by his Christian followers, who are his chief advisers. There he is being gradually joined by many Buganda, almost all his former chiefs -- deposed from office by Kalema, having repaired to him with only a few followers each, as they are practically all poor men now. Among these is Kaluji, whose name has often been mentioned as the king's head storekeeper and chief adviser in former years. Poor Kaluji had to flee for his life from Kalema, as he saw no quarters shown to his former companions in power under the old regime. Even the once all-powerful minister had not escaped. He was first plundered by the Arabs of all his amassed wealth, and subsequently arrested on the charge of intrigue and burnt alive. A terrible vengeance thus overtook both him and Pokino, who were the chief advisers of the murder of Bishop Hannington. Both shared the same fate [Domestic scene in Ukumbi] having been burnt alive -- only more mercifully than they had slain many others better than themselves.
"More recently, Mwanga's troops landed at Munyonyo, and burnt the old capital there, as also a large vessel or dhow which Kalema had nearly completed. [UGANDA MOHAMMEDANS AT THEIR DEVOTIONS.] A battle also took place on the mainland to the east of Murchison's Bay, in which Kalema's forces were defeated and many of their guns captured.
"Mwanga has now sent to Busagala, inviting all the Christians there to come to his aid. This they will undoubtedly do, but even with their aid, I do not think it likely that Mwanga will venture to face Kalema's army in open encounter. He means, I understand, to retire to Sesse, and there establish himself, meantime waiting for re- enforcements, and expecting aid from the white men in Busoga. Stokes means at once to go to his assistance with a cargo of arms and ammunition. Meanwhile, Mwanga has sent a deputation to ourselves and [Agriculture in the Muta Nziga Lake District.] to the French priests at Ukumbi, inviting them to repair to Sesse in order to carry on Christian instruction among our respective communities of converts."
Mr. Mackay, the writer of the above letter, received a communication from Mwanga, under date of June 25, 1889. Translated, it reads as follows:
"I send my compliments to you and to Mr. Gordon. After compliments, I, Mwanga, beg of you to help me. Do not remember by-gone matters. We are now in a miserable plight, but if you, my fathers, are willing to come and help to restore me to my kingdom, you will be at liberty to do whatever you like.
"Formerly I did not know God, but now I know the religion of Jesus Christ. Consider how Kalema has killed all my brothers and sisters; he has killed my children, too, and now there remain only we two princes [Kalema and himself]. Mr. Mackay, do help me; I have no strength, but if you are with me I shall be strong. Sir, do not imagine that if you restore Mwanga to Buganda he will become bad again. If you find me become bad, then you may drive me from the throne; but I have given up my former ways, and I only wish now to follow your advice.
"I am your friend, "MWANGA."
In the above letter it is made very clear that, had Stanley entered the Victoria Lake region, he would have had to fight his way, if, indeed, he had been able to beat back the natives, which is decidedly improbable; for, in addition to a large following of the black king, his troops were armed with guns, and not a few breech-loaders, while the Arabs might have been depended on to give him great assistance.
But besides the two reasons explained, there may have been a third one, looking towards both a commercial and geographical advantage. Central Africa, or the lake regions, are represented as being of surprising fertility. The lakes themselves are vast inland seas, upon which the largest vessels might be put in service to carry products that the country yields in prodigal profusion, but which might be made to produce, under tillage, enough grain and cotton to supply the world. This wondrously favored district cannot be reached by the Nile because of many impassable cataracts, and the impenetrable "sud," or vegetation, that collects in the stream. The overland route from Zanzibar is 1000 of miles, through jungles, savannahs, miasmatic regions and many warlike tribes. On the other hand, the Congo, being a large and navigable stream, was believed to have its source somewhere in the lake region, while other rivers, affluents of the Congo, were known to exist, and it was most reasonably supposed that by following these the central lakes might either be reached directly by boat, or that only a small intervening strip of land would have to be passed over.
A determination of this question was of the utmost importance, and Stanley no doubt hoped to solve it.
Several of the officers had, before Stanley's arrival, busied themselves with preparations to receive the expedition, and besides bringing down small boots and lighters on which to unload the steamer's cargo of donkeys, provisions, ammunition, etc., had fixed up, in the most comfortable and inviting manner headquarters at Boma, a considerable village on the Congo, some fifty miles from the coast. To this place Stanley directly repaired in advance of the main party, after the embarkation was completed, anxious to observe what changes had occurred in and about the place since his last visit to the village in the interest of the Congo Free State Association. Under the influence of missionaries he found that the town had grown considerably in size and that the natives had become so far Christianized that the place supported two flourishing churches, or rather one Catholic church and one mosque. To his very great surprise, however, on a walk beyond the outskirts of the town he saw unmistakable signs of a continuance of native superstitions connected with the burial of their dead: in frail scaffolds on which rudely coffined bodies were exposed and the ghastly skeletons of sacrificed slaves underneath. [DISPOSITION OF THE DEAD BY BOMA VILLAGERS.]
Stanley remained at Boma several days before he completed his preparations for moving the expedition upon its prime purpose.
When at last the expedition started up the Congo it presented the pleasing appearance of a flotilla procession bound upon some wondrous enterprise, as it certainly was. Stanley led, in what he euphoniously called his flag-vessel, but which was in fact a rather sorry looking craft to take so honorable a position. Tipo Tib and his forty-two wives occupied the passenger space in the next boat, while Stanley's lieutenant, the Zanzibaris soldiers, and the commissary stores, luggage, mules and ammunition, made up the loads of the others. The sound of escaping steam, ringing of bells and blowing of whistles, had already become familiar to the natives of the river shores, but so many boats in procession, the flying of so many flags, and the strange cargo that was being conveyed, lent remarkable interest to the river that flowed out of a mysterious [Attacked by a leopard] country, through unexplored lands, bathing the most savage of people, giving drink to the most powerful and ferocious of animals, as it went gurgling over rapids, dashing down cataracts, and singing its way to the high rolling sea.
Tipo Tib had contracted to furnish a force of 700 Somalis Arabs and Zanzibaris soldiers to, give safe conduct to the expedition from Stanley Falls to Wadelai. This contract he was able to fulfil by taking men from the ivory stations he had established on the upper Congo, and between the Aruwimi river and the lakes. In this region he had built up an enormous trade, and he is reputed to have had on hand a stock of ivory valued at $500,000, at the time of Stanley's last journey. His engagement to conduct the expedition, at an expense of $25,000, was therefore a very profitable one, because he was on the point of visiting that region to look after his private interests at the time when Stanley entered into a contract with him.
The members of Tipo Tib's household, or, in other words, his wives, it must be admitted, were the most interesting attaches of the expedition. Some of them, it must be confessed, were a little blase, as the French say, or, to speak more courteously, they were past that age when plumpness of form and freshness of features are most commonly found. But the majority were lithesome, fair, vigorous and (is it to their discredit?) not above making favorable responses to the overtures of the natural male flirts that belonged to the expedition. Tipo, so far from being a bearded pard or Blue Beard, seemed to extract pleasure from the satisfaction which the officers exhibited in the innocent amours of his wives. Having indeed a good thing, he was unselfish enough to share it with his companions. Some of these houris were dressed most becomingly in Arabic costume, while others exercised a freedom only compatible with an oppressively hot climate, and herein possibly lay much of their charms. Anyhow, those having the least dress certainly attracted the most admiration. But the reader must not overlook the fact that in nearly all hot countries, and in Africa especially, the most flagrant exposure of person is not regarded as being the least indecent. Custom governs, and in Africa, along the equatorial line, much body decoration is employed, but practically no covering. The Georgia colonel who, it is related, appeared on dress parade in a cocked hat, paper collar and big spurs -- with nothing between the collar and the spurs -- would cut a fashionable rather than a ridiculous figure among the African tribes.
Many stations were passed, at which stops were invariably made to enable Stanley to confer with the resident missionaries or government agents. On the Lower Congo these places were generally uninteresting, because, besides being inactive, the natives had lost their curiosity by frequent contact with Europeans.
The line of steamers, while they had not paid expenses, had served the beneficent purpose of bringing the natives to an appreciation of civilization, and in inciting them to an industry which gives promise of large profits hereafter. Besides this, these boats afforded means of rapid and easy communication between the stations, that resulted in a complete destruction of the slave trade which, before the establishment of these stations, flourished with all its attendant horrors, under the sanction of the Portuguese government.
Lukunga is nearly five hundred miles from the Congo's mouth, but less than three hundred from the coast. It is a station founded by Stanley in the interest of the Congo Association, and is presided over by Mr. and Mrs. Ingham, who have charge of the mission. It is admirably located, and presents a charming aspect from the river. The station was created at a cost of barely $500; yet so admirable has been its management that it is a much more interesting, inviting and prosperous place than Manyanga, only a few miles further north, which had cost the Association $50,000.
Mr. Herbert Ward, an attache of the expedition, and who also spent a considerable time at this station, has communicated, by private letter, many facts respecting the natives of this region, from which I quote the following:
"* * * The most interesting item is, I think, an ordeal which took place the other day close by in this valley. It was a 'N'Ganga N'Kissi,' or medicine man's palaver. I learn from Mr. Harvey, of the Livingstone Inland Mission, that the general belief in the Congo is that nearly all sickness and death is the resuit of witchcraft. The consequence is that, when anyone is dangerously ill, the question arises, 'Who has bewitched him?' The guilty person is supposed to be secretly devouring the spirit of the unhappy sufferer. Should he die, a 'N'Ganga,' or medicine man, is usually sent for to determine who it is that is possessed of 'N'Doki' (the devil), or is guilty of the witchcraft. The 'N'Ganga' is invariably a crafty individual of another tribe or from a distant village. He brings with him an elaborate apparatus, consisting of leopard's teeth and claws, snakes and other skins, a fetish idol, perhaps a rattle, and above all a plentiful supply of powdered chalk. On special occasions he also adds a huge mask made of the inner layers of bark and painted in the most grotesquely horrid manner, with decorations of cowtails, which latter article seems indispensable to all African priests. Sometimes, especially when displaying his art before an audience where white persons are spectators, he charges furiously up and down as if battling with, and fleeing and chasing imaginary spirits, until his breath is quite spent. More frequently, however, the 'N'Ganga' seats himself on rising ground and there displays his paraphernalia, which he cleverly manipulates. He endeavors to make his audience believe that each article about him flies to his hand at the mere wish, and it is not surprising, therefore, to learn that he is a fair conjuror, in which sleight-of-hand is well practised. Even the mat upon which he sits seems now and then to be alive. He turns and looks at it occasionally when its manifestations seem to him as it were excessive. His well-feigned astonishment is not lost upon the throng. The mat, they plainly see, is beyond his control, as is everything else, his inspiration being from a superior and unseen power. Every now and then he pauses in his mummeries and listens with his head bent to the earth, and then he will bound up again from his listening attitude and intently examine the various persons near him, and turn away from them with equal suddenness, practically clutching at the air as if trying to lay hold upon some unseen being. He shrieks and wails like one possessed. Usually, before declaring the name of the guilty or suspected person, the payment for his services (previously agreed upon) has to be made, and in these transactions he shows that his connection with the unseen world has not lessened his interest in the possession of the wealth that belongs to the material world of his existence. He is not easily imposed upon, either, as regards the quantity or quality of the cloth offered to him as his remuneration. The guilty one being named, the poor wretch has to undergo the ordeal of poison. He must drink a certain amount of n'kasa, prepared from a poisonous bark by the 'N'Ganga.' Should the potion act as as an emetic, the accused is pronounced innocent; otherwise, Satan's presence in the man is proved, the victim himself being as well assured of the fact as his accusers. His body begins to swell from the effects of the poison, and he is either buried alive (though in frequent cases his throat is cut before burial) or is drowned." [The N'Ganga locating the devil]
"You will be astonished to hear that my plans are changed. Instead of returning to you, I am turning round the other way and going with Stanley and the Emin Pasha Expedition.
"EMIN PASHA RELIEF EXPEDITION,
MATADE STATION, April 3d, 1887.
[THE FALLEN MONARCH BESET BY HYENAS, JACKALS, VULTURES AND LIONS.]
"I was on my way down country to embark for Old England and thence to America. About two days from here I met two armed Assyrians. Immediately behind them, and mounted on a fine mule whose new-plated trappings glistened in the sun, was Stanley himself. Behind him came a Soudanese giant, about 6 feet 6 inches high, bearing a large American flag. I saluted the Congo king. He smiled, and, indicating the bare ground, said, 'Take a seat.' He dismounted, and, handing me a cigar, we squatted and conversed for half an hour. He accepted me as a volunteer (I had previously, as you know, written to him), and it was at once arranged that I should proceed down to this place and see to the transport of some of his remaining loads. I have done so, and now leave here to overtake him in four days.
"Of the eight whites he has with him, two have contributed to the expense of the expedition for the privilege of accompanying him through the heart of Africa, and the others are English officers on full army pay as volunteers.
"I never in my life was so struck with any sight as with Stanley's caravan on the march -- Egyptians, Soudanese, Somalis, Zanzibaris, and others, nine hundred strong. It took me two hours to pass them, and then I met the second in command, Major Barttelot, a young fellow, burnt very dark, with a masher collar fixed on a flannel shirt, top boots, etc. He was carrying a large bucket that some fellow had abandoned. 'I say, are you Ward?' he shouted. 'I am Ward,' I answered, 'and now belong to your expedition.' 'I am very glad to hear it,' he replied; 'Stanley has spoken of you; and so you are coming along; that's right; very good business!' He seemed to be full of tremendous spirits; looked very fit; and I admired him immensely.
"Tipo Tib, the notorious slave trader of Stanley Falls, has come round from Zanzibar with Stanley, and, in his silken robes, jewelled turban, and kriss, looks a very ideal Oriental potentate. It is thought 'good business,' as Maj. Barttelot would say, getting him for an ally. He had forty-two of his wives along with him. Some of them are handsome women. One little stout lady, decked out in magnificent costume, appeared to be rather free in her behavior, I thought; she winked at me decidedly, and did not resent a gentle stroke under the chin. I gave her a little present, and we parted on good terms."
On arriving at Stanley Pool, where Stanley stopped for two days, a steam launch, named Henry Reid, belonging to the American Baptist Missionary Union, was tendered to the explorer to transport a portion of his men, merchandise and ammunition from that point to the intended camp on the Aruwimi. Mr. Stanley was glad to avail himself of this kindly offer, as the boats at his command had such small capacity that the transportation to Stanley Pool had been attended with considerable discomfort for lack of space. The Reid was therefore at once put into commission, and towed a steam lighter besides the steel whale-boat. The lighter, which had previously been a paddlesteamer of the Etat du Congo, was formerly the quarters of Tipo Tib, his officers and harem. The dark-eyed houris enjoyed their trip immensely. It was, of course, a perfect novelty to them. They frolicked and danced and sang the whole of the day, while at night the sound of their rippling laughter could be heard for a long distance.
Upon leaving Kinchassa, the village at Stanley Pool, the expedition embarked in three steamers, Le Stanley, the large stern-wheel river steamer of the Etat du Congo, towing the Florida, the sections of which had just been put together. The Florida is the steamer of the Sanford exploring expedition, which came into existence in 1880, and which has just recently been converted into "The Belgian Commercial Society of the Upper Congo." The Stanley and her consort had on board four English officers and about 300 men, in addition to a cargo of ammunition, merchandise, and several donkeys on deck. The other steamer was the Peace, kindly and promptly placed at Mr: Stanley's disposal by the Rev. Holman Bentley, of the English Baptist Missionary Society. A young missionary named Whitley was in charge of the vessel, and [NATIVE OF KASONGE WEAVING.] Mr. Stanley himself and Mr. Herbert Ward (to whom he had given the command of his No. I company of Zanzibaris), Mr. Stanley's valet, "William," and an English engineer, made up the rest of the travellers.
To the natural scenety and imposing size of this great river are added many other attractions, not the least of which are the numerous villages of the several tribes along its shores.
Just above Stanley Pool, and opposite the Ba-teke territory, is the land of the Ba-yanzi tribe, who occupy the south side. Here will be found the first fixed settlement of the tribes to be encountered on a journey up the Congo. Their village is very picturesque as seen from the water -- "a broad lane leading up to a grove of oil- palms and bananas, with compact and tidy-looking houses interspersed among them; but the favorable impression is rather spoilt on landing by the horrible black fetid mud strewn with decaying offal that one has to cross." The people are a finer looking race than any Stanley had seen on the Congo. Some of the men are "perfect Greek statues as regards their splendid development and pose of their figures." The Ba-yanzi have certain cruel customs, but are in many respects much superior to some other natives of the great river. They make excellent pottery, knives, hatchets, articles of furniture and other things, which they sell to the Ba-teke and the Wa-buma. They are fond of music, and have a native instrument of the dulcimer class, upon which they produce not unpleasant harmonies. They are clever fishermen, and cultivate fruit and vegetables, tobacco, manioc and other products, in which they do a fair trade. According to ethnologists, they are not of the negro race, but belong to the "Bantu" family, which includes the people around Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyassa, in Eastern Africa, and on the Zambesi.
They are remarkable for their great development of hair, which they treat very decoratively, sometimes fantastically dressing it up from the crown, and again twisting it so tightly as to be almost inflexible and horn- like in appearance. A similar fashion also obtains at Bolobo, which, however, is quite natural, since this station is on the north line of the Ba-yanzi country.
Among these same people, and in fact among all the tribes within one hundred miles of Lukunga, there is a superstitious dread of the owl, which by them is regarded not only as a bird of ill omen, but also the bearer of an evil spirit sometimes sent by an ill-disposed person to plague an enemy. Speaking of this superstition Stanley relates a very strange incident which seems to have come under his own observation. He says:
"All the lads of a town, or group of towns, from ten to twelve years of age, go through an educational course lastiug from six months to two years. During this time they are not allowed to wash themselves. They disfigure [MAN AND WOMEN OF THE N'KIMBA TRIBE.] their bodies with chalk, and wear a hideous dress of grass. The women and children of the towns are in continual fear of the N'Kimba, who are allowed to parade through the villages at any time of the day or night. Any article of food or clothing required by them can be appropriated without question, if only the things belong to a 'mungwala,' or uninitiated person. At the induction ceremony the candidate is required to drink a certain potion, which renders him insensible. He is then declared to be dead, and. is carried into the bush, where the operation of circumcision is presumably performed. After a while he is restored, and by the simple towns-people he is believed to have been raised from the dead. He then receives a new name, and he professes not to be able to remember his former tribe or even his parents.
"The N'Kimba declare the rainbow is their father. They also adopt a new language, which is of a mysterious nature, and though taught to the males, it is never disclosed to females. It is possible that it is some old or archaic form of the Bantu language, conserved for religious purposes -- like the Sanscrit, the old Sclav, and the Latin; or it may be nothing more than an arbitrary transmogrification of words such as are found in the Mpongwe, or in such artificial dialects as the Ki-Nyume of Zanzibar.
"An N'Kimba before initiation is called mungwala, and afterwards tungwa."
The immense influence, and especially the power which Tipo Tib possessed in this large region, made his friendship absolutely necessary to Stanley, for he had the ability to destroy the expedition at a single blow, or by rendering such [Travelling by canoe on the upper Congo] assistance as was at his command, to insure its success. Therefore when Stanley found the cunning raider at Zanzibar, he at once obtained an interview and sought to establish friendly relations. It was not long after this meeting before Stanley learned of Tipo Tib's intention of making another raid along the Congo, which the explorer knew the small garrisons at the several stations could not prevent, and which in fact threatened their own destruction. To prevent this and to save his expedition, Stanley entered into a contract with the great Arab by which Tipo was to furnish 700 carriers to convey supplies and also act as a military escort for the expedition from Stanley Falls to Wadelai. [A Batoka feast of banana beer] Stanley did not really expect Tipo Tib to carry out the terms of this contract, for he well knew the treacherous character of the villainous raider, but he rightly expected that the contract would serve the purpose of a compact of friendship, and that while thus avoiding his opposition to the expedition, would also prevent the intended raid upon the Congo stations.
The results prove that Stanley had correctly estimated the value of this contract. Tipo Tib did accompany the expedition as far as Stanley Falls, but here he halted with promises to furnish an escort when the camp at Yambuya, comprising the rear column, should be ready to move. But how he broke this promise will be seen hereafter.
Mr. J. R. Werner, an engineer in the service of the Congo Free State, who was a visitor to Yambuya, describes the fort which was constructed by Lieut. Stairs and Mr. Jameson, as follows:
"This fort, containing all the stores as well as the huts of the Europeans, was an enclosure some thirty yards square, surrounded by a strong palisade of sticks or poles, from two to three inches in diameter, and twelve to fifteen feet in length. These were fixed as closely together as possible, just leaving room to insert the muzzle of a gun between them. Facing the river the palisade was planted on the edge of an almost vertical descent of fifty feet, rendering that side of the stronghold unassailable; but on the other three sides a stage was erected six feet from the ground, so that two rows of men could bring their guns into use at the same time, the palisade being high enough to afford cover for the upper row. Opposed to natives who fight with spears and arrows, this arrangement would have been complete; but in an engagement with Arabs, who, have rifles and double-barrel shot-guns, the men would, of course, have been too much exposed. For provision against this emergency, an embankment five feet high had been thrown up against the outside of the palisades, composed of clay taken from a trench which surrounded the whole, and was from time to time filled with water. There is no regular rainy season in this part of Africa. Heavy showers fall at uncertain intervals, usually every few days; so that the trench was not only useful in the matter of defence, but could be relied upon for water, in case the camp was cut off from the river. On the land side, nearest the adjacent Arab camp, were two semicircular redoubts, through which the defenders would have opened a flank fire on any party attempting to approach the trench.
There were five huts inside the enclosure, three of which were occupied by theEuropeans and half filled with stores; the fourth was used as a mess-room, much space, however, being filled up with donkeys' stalls, spades, hoes, and various other articles and implements necessary for the expedition. The fifth on the occasion of Mr. Werner's visit, was occupied by Mr. Troup, who was very ill, and eventually, as will be remembered, had to return home. Supplementing these five huts was a galley and four smaller erections for servants and other natives. The two entrances to the enclosure were about three feet wide, and defended by a door formed of planks made from the bottoms of large canoes. [Fort Yambuya] They were hinged at the top, and kept open during the day by having their lower ends supported on stout poles. It required four or five men to raise and close them. At night they were watched by a proper guard. The trench was crossed by means of planks, which formed a kind of primitive drawbridge. The south side of the enclosure was defended only by a palisade, being covered by the men's camp, a second enclosure, longer than the first, round which the palisade and trench were continued. Within this outer enclosure were the numerous small grass huts occupied by the men, and its southern end was in a line with the foot of the last rapid in the river. Among the huts were several of the conical-roofed native huts, representing all that remained of the village which had already been burnt by the Arabs. Around the entire stockade the bush had been cleared away, so as to leave no cover for enemies approaching from the land side. The clearing had been extended on the north for some distance up the river, and formed an esplanade."
Stanley left Yambuya on the 28th of June, 1887, by way of the Aruwimi river, over an untrodden path through an unexplored country, with his compass as a guide, for Lake Albert N'yanza, on whose shores he hoped to find and rescue Emin Pasha. The parting between those that started on this perilous journey and those who were left behind was both impressive and affecting, for in that dark region, infested by savages and the yet more to be dreaded foe that lurks in fens, morasses and miasmatic swamps, who might speak a lightsome au revoir when separation by death appeared most probable? But if the parting had in it the elements of sadness, it was only a portent of real sorrows and death, which was to be a fulfilment of the gloomiest misgivings, and a fatal ending of the hopes and ambitions of those composing the rear guard.
Stanley marched off, though sad at heart, yet resolute in purpose, kissing his hand to Barttelot as long as he remained in sight, and soon the advancing cavalcade had passed out of view up the Aruwimi river.
The feeling of dread of consequences, though considerable, was somewhat relieved by the belief that Barttelot would soon receive the aid promised by Tipo Tib and be able to move after his chief, though it must be confessed that at no time did either Stanley or Barttelot repose the fullest confidence in the treacherous Arab. But after the advance column had departed Barttelot set about establishing his camp and kept well employed for several days apportioning the labors of his men, drilling his small force of soldiers and enforcing sanitary regulations. The country about Yambuya was generally level, or slightly undulating, with low hills rising about five miles from the Aruwimi shores. There was considerable game to be found in the well-wooded hills, chiefly antelopes, spring-boks, buffaloes and occasionally leopards, lions, elephants and rhinoceri. These grazed in the rich pasturage of the low lands, but sought the woods for shade, where they were more easily hunted. Therefore after the ramp was completed and thorough order established, which was not accomplished for some weeks, Barttelot and Jameson went out for a hunt, being accompanied by a half dozen natives as guides.
It was now growing late in the afternoon, and it was felt that the game must be quickly located if the hunt were concluded before nightfall. The spot indicated was soon gained and the beaters sent out in a semicircle to drive the tall grass. Barttelot was on the extreme right, a little in front of the beaters, while Jameson took the left. In a little while a shout went up which was unmistakable in its import, and in a few seconds out dashed a huge rhinoceros that made off to the left in a sharp run, followed by the beaters. As the animal came near Jameson he fired at its head, but his aim was not good, for the bullet struck the creature's long, sharp horn, tearing away a portion of its weapon. But the shot served to swerve the rhinoceros, which now turned and came charging to the right, and dashed right through the beaters, one of whom fell in a frantic endeavor to get out of the way. Fortunately the beast did not attack his prostrate foe but kept on in the direction of Barttelot, who now fired at it but missed.
In the next instant the rhinoceros was charging him, and the hunter now turned suddenly from the sport to the more serious business of seeking a retired position where he could avoid annoyance. It was of course a selfish prompting, but it stood him well in need, for a good pair of legs at that juncture was as important as their vigorous use, a fact which Barttelot, better than the reader, perhaps, thoroughly understood. At all events, he ran with amazing speed, and succeeded in gaining a friendly bush, by which the rhinoceros, quite as much frightened as the hunter, passed like an engine with the throttle wide open. It ran on with undiminished speed until it gained the woods and there disappeared, leaving the hunters the one satisfaction of thanks for their escape as a solace for their having to return to camp without any game. [MAJOR EDWARD M. BARTTELOT.]
The party started out early in the morning, expecting to be gone two days. They had provided themselves with plenty of ammunition, but expecting to confine their sport to antelopes, they took only 44-calibre guns. This time, too, they crossed the river, having heard that several miles from Yambuya, on the south side, there was a beautiful park- like region in which spring-boks and antelopes were plentiful. Nor were they disappointed; in fact, game of nearly every kind was found, and the party had royal sport. Several antelopes were bagged, and these would prove a great blessing at the camp, where meat had become very scarce, so that the lack of it had indeed been seriously felt.
Towards noon of the second day, when the hunters were taking a rest beside a brook, one of the beaters reported the presence of a small herd of buffaloes near by. Four of the beaters had been sent back to the camp with as many antelopes, and only four more remained with Barttelot and Bonny. [A SUDDEN CHANGE OF BASE.] These were directed to surround the herd and to reach elevations from which they could signal the location of the game. These instructions were faithfully carried out, and in a short time one of the men was seen standing on an anthill, waving his hands as an indication that he had sighted the buffaloes. Both the hunters were provided with field glasses, through which they were able to clearly observe the beater and to understand his gestures. They therefore spread out and advanced towards a depression in the park, where the game was found to be standing in a shallow pond, whisking their tails as a [Barttelot's adventure with a buffalo] protection against the flies. Bonny was the first to fire, and succeeded in wounding a cow, which shambled off into the high grass evidently badly hurt. The shot alarmed the herd, that now scattered and dashed in every direction, one large bull passing so near Barttelot that, in the excitement, even by firing at random, he struck the animal in the side and brought it down. In the next instant, however, the bull was again on its feet, foaming at the mouth and presenting a picture of ferocity and madness. Barttelot fired a second shot as the enraged animal stood for a moment as if trying to locate its enemy, and at the discharge down it dropped, as if stricken instantly dead. Barttelot now rushed forward to cut its throat, having never before hunted buffaloes, and therefore not understanding the danger that attends approaching even a dying animal of this kind. He carried his gun at "trai1- arms," least suspectlng any peril, when, having come within a few feet of the apparently dead buffalo, it arose with the most surprising celerity, and before Barttelot cou1d use his gun the savage creature rushed at him, and with a tremendous dash caught him fairly on its horns and tossed him into the air. [AFRICAN BUFFALO.] This one extraordinary endeavor, made in its last throes, seemed to blind the infuriated animal, else Barttelot would not have lived to die afterwards by an assassin's bullet. So savage had been the toss that the hunter fell behind the animal, but he was so injured as to be wholly unconscious, and thus he lay at the mercy of the wounded bull. Instead of using its advantage, however, the buffalo seemed dazed, and stood pawing the earth, while blood was pouring out of its nostrils. Bonny, fearing that something had happened, as he could get no reply to his shoutings, though he had not seen the accident, now ran in the direction from whence came the sound of Barttelot's last shot, and was just in time to send another bullet into the buffalo as it was sinking on its knees. He then gave his attention to his comrade, whose prostrate form he now discovered. Bonny was a surgeon and physician, and was connected with the medical staff of the expedition, hence he knew just what to do. Having a brandy flask on his person, he used its contents to restore the wounded hunter, and then made an examination of his hurts. It was found that Barttelot had sustained a severe shock, besides a deep wound in the left thigh where the bull's horn had struck him. Moreover, he complained of severe internal pains, so that it was for a while believed that he was dangerously hurt. The beaters were called in, and a litter constructed on which the wounded man was carried to the brook beside which the party had a short while before rested. Here the wound was carefully washed and then bandaged by pieces torn from Mr. Bonny's shirt. Barttelot now seemed much better, and it was thought expedient to carry him back to Yambuya, even though the march was a long one. He stood the journey much better than Bonny had expected; but it was nearly a month before his wound healed sufficiently to allow him to resume his active duties about the camp.
The several beaters taken with him were less determined, however, and it appeared for a time as if he must be his own beater. Several hours were thus spent in a fruitless search for the game, but late in the evening the elephant was located under the shade of a large tamarind tree, around which was a very dense thicket. To move in such a place was to give the alarm, hence Bonny induced the beaters to make a wide circuit and come in on the opposite side, so that in case the elephant retreated it would run in the direction of the hunter. The plan was so successful that in half an hour after the beaters went to execute the order, Bonny heard the footfalls of the rapidly-approaching game. It was a truly royal brute, in its stupendous majesty, and the incarnation of terrible power, before which any but a brave heart indeed must quail. But Bonny was nerved for the opportunity. He had a splendid double-barrelled rifle, carrying a three-ounce ball, and had implicit confidence in his steadiness of nerve, as well as his knowledge of the vital places in an elephant's head. Therefore he quietly waited, well hidden by the brush, until the huge form came so near as to fairly rise above him. At this moment the great beast had [A steady hand at a supreme moment] recovered from its alarm, finding that there were no pursuers, and at the moment that it made its full appearance the elephant was walking slowly and playfully tossing its trunk, wholly ignorant of the danger that confronted its path.
As the ponderous creature came within a few feet of the hunter, who had dropped on one knee, the rifle was raised and fired just as the elephant turned its head fairly to the left. This enabled Mr. Bonny to reach the oval soft place in the skull just slightly in front and below the ear. The elephant stopped, trembled violently and then staggered, but recovered itself and trumpeted shrilly, though it was not able to run. Mr. Bonny now waited a favorable opportunity, seeing that the animal was too badly wounded to make a charge, until he could [NATIVES RUSHING TO DIVIDE THE ELEPHANT.] fire the second barrel into the right side of the head, at which shot the huge beast fell over with great force and immediately expired.
As soon as news of Mr. Bonny's success was sent back to camp, a large crowd came flocking out to see the remains, and their numbers were speedily swelled by an immense collection of natives. Mr. Bonny secured the tusks, which were a beautiful pair, and then gave the gigantic body over to the savages, who attacked it with everything they could procure that would cut, and soon carried it away in pieces, not even rejecting the entrails. The four feet were secured, however, by the Zanzibaris, who took them to camp, and prepared what is esteemed a delightful repast of grilled elephant's feet.
But with these horrible sights, which were occasionally witnessed, there were other things that relieved the tediousness, though they were the aggravating results of the seemingly endless waiting and delusive promises. The scarcity of food and the demoralization of a long-delayed advance, together with the slave-hunting raids of the Arabs, made the maintenance of discipline less easy as it became more important. Major Barttelot seems to have been forced into severely punishing his insubordinate followers -- an impression gained by reading one of Ward's letters written from Yambuya. He says:
"Bangari, who stole some goat-meat, and who had 200 lashes with a chicotte, and who has to parade daily in heavy chains for punishment, has grown tired of it, and succeeded in getting away with his guard's gun and twelve rounds of ammunition. He is a very hardened scoundrel, and I should not be surprised if he has concealed himself near by in the forest, so as to have a shot at one of us as we walk up and down in the evening outside the post."
On March 24th Major Barttelot decided to send Ward to the coast with dispatches and cable messages for the committee in London. Writing of this commission, he says: "I am to start in five days. Barttelot returned from the Stanley Falls, Jameson gone to Kanongo. Both have been very ill at the Falls, and indeed Barttelot looks awfully bad. Very sorry for him." At the time stated Ward started and made a remarkably quick trip to Boma, arriving there April 28th, though he met many perils on the way. Writing from Boma, [Selim's forces advancing to raid a native village] in a reflective mood, he says: "What fatality there seems to be connected with all Europeans who had to go to the Falls! First, Brung shot himself; second, a Belgian officer died on his way up; third, Werter, who went home very ill; fourth, Deane, who underwent awful perils; fifth, Du Bois was drowned; sixth, Vanderwelde, who died the other day at Leopoldville en route for the Falls; seventh, Spelmann, his companion, got sick and had to go home to save his life; eighth, Amelot, who died on his way to Zanzibar." Since Ward made this sorrowful recapitulation Deane has died, Barttelot has been assassinated, Jameson has died of fever, and Troup had to go back to England, as did Spelmann, to seek recovery that was impossible in Africa.
To these perplexities must be added the oppressive circumstances of the camp surroundings, in which savagery in its worse than imbruted phases was [An Ivory Trader] conspicuous, for to other abhorrent practices of the natives that of cannibalism was frequent if not common.
"I went this morning to Nassibu's camp, which is situated about an hour's march from our own camp on the Falls (Aruwimi). He received me with much ceremony, and at my request drummed to the natives, who were in two clearings at the back of his camp. A number came and went through the usual demonstrations at seeing a white man. Among them were about a dozen young women, with pleasing countenances and beautifully moulded limbs. They would have made worthy models for a sculptor. I selected a man as a model for myself, but it was very difficult to induce him to stand still while I sketched him. I then started for their village with Majuta, Mr. Jameson's boy, carrying my bag, and Fida, a native woman, who has been with the Arabs for some time, to interpret from Swahili into the native language. [THE WALLS OF NASSIBU'S CAMP.]
"Almost the first man I saw was carrying four lumps of human flesh (with the skin on) on a stick, and through Fida I found that they had killed a man this morning and had divided the flesh. She took me over to a house where some half-dozen men were squatting, and showed me more meat on sticks in front of a fire; it was frizzling and the yellow fat was dripping from it, whilst all around was a strong odor which reminded me of the smell given out by grilled elephant meat. It was not yet the general meal-time, they told me, but one or two of the natives cut off pieces of the frizzling flesh and ate it, laughing at Majuta, who, being disgusted, held his nose and backed into the brush. I spoke with the natives, through Fida, and they told me from what parts the meat was cut. One tall, sturdy native was quietly leaning against a tree and picking off pieces of flesh from a thigh bone with good relish. Other dainty joints were grilling at the fire. I send you a sketch of the scene, and [IN NASSIBU'S CAMP.] some day hope to tell you all the horrible details of cannibal habits and customs which prevail in this strange country."
"I went to Selim's camp to-day, and they told me that two more of their men [Ward's Sketches of the Congo and Aruwimi Rivers] (Arabs) had been caught and eaten by the natives, whose village they had raided and burnt some weeks ago. This will probably make Selim angry, as he went with Barttelot much against his will, and only left a few men and his women. This eternal waiting is awful -- waiting for what never comes! Day after day passes; we see no fresh faces, we hear no news. Many of our men are daily growing thinner and weaker, and are dying off. Poor wretches! they lie out in the sun, on the dusty ground, most of them with only a narrow strip of dirty loincloth; and all the live-long day they stare into vacancy, and at night gaze at a bit of fire.
"It was a pitiable sIght, a few days ago, to see an emaciated man crawl, with the aid of a stick, after a corpse, that was being carried on a pole for interment. He staggered along, poor fellow, and squatted down alongside the newly-made grave and watched the proceedings with large, round, sunken eyes, knowing that it would only be a matter of a few days, when he himself would be a dead man. [Members of the Rear Column] He told me in a sepulchral voice, 'Amekwa rapiki angu' (He was my friend). Another poor fellow is a mass of bones, yet persists in doing his work, and every evening staggers into the camp. He has been told to lay up, and that his manioc shall be provided for him, but he refuses, and in replying to my sympathetic remark that he was very thin, he said, 'Yes, only a short time more, master!' Death is written in his face, and just as plainly in the faces of many others in this camp. Almost as many lives, I fear, will be lost in this philanthropic enterprise as there are lives of Emin Pasha's people to save."
"Selim-bin-Mahomed, who has hitherto been most pleasant and agreeable, is now beginning to get 'touchy.' Evidently we shall never get the 700 men Tipo Tib promised us." In another of his letters dated February 8, he seems to forecast poor Barttelot's fate. "Today," he writes, "I am an orderly officer. An old empty cartridge-box was picked up in the river (Aruwimi) today. It was much broken and sodden; it must have been floating down the river for a very long distance. Selim-bin-Mahomed told me this morning that Bungari, the escaped prisoner, had told him, preparatory to escaping, that his life was not worth living, marching up and down in the hot sun all day, and that he knew he would be shot when caught, and that he intended tended shooting Barttelot dead before he would be captured."
Again he writes: "It is picturesque but dull, and wretched with waiting and hoping for orders to move. Nassibu, [TAKING IT EASY.] an Arab of Tipo Tib's, visited us, bringing some Stanley Falls rice and a goat. He told us an absurd yarn of Abdullah having seen Stanley. Jameson continues collecting birds and painting them. We sketched the second rapids from below the camp. We have not sufficient medicine, and very little food. The Zanzibaris and Soudanese are suffering seriously, and there are many deaths. This awful delay of news from Stanley bodes misfortune, and we are all compelled to conclude that he has met with trouble and is in difficulties -- if not worse. A brave, skilful and determined man, a hero, one hopes, and hopes he may be safe and well." Ward's letter of January 9th, 1888, reads as follows:
These fears were not alone occasioned by the mere absence of news, but were increased by a knowledge of Arab treachery. The Arabs were continually harassing the natives by plundering them of slaves and ivory, and in turn the natives were goaded into making reprisals on their foes. Under these conditions it was a difficult matter for the natives to distinguish between Stanley's people and their Arab allies. In this particular, therefore, as in others, Stanley's alliance with Tipo Tib really increased his danger, which fact was well known by Barttelot and his lieutenants. [Bungari]"It seems very strange we have heard nothing of Stanley, who was to have returned (from Lake Albert, whither he went to seek Emin Pasha) last November, and we can only account for his prolonged absence by supposing that he had to go a longer journey from the Albert N'yanza than he had previously anticipated. If anything has happened to him it will be a bad lookout for the expedition; and I do not know how the relief goods, merchandise and ammunition, seven hundred loads, will ever reach him. There appears to me to be some motive in Tipo Tib's delaying the seven hundred men he promised. It is hardly feasible, his excuse that his men refused to carry our loads on account of their weight. His authority certainly ought to overcome any scruples of that sort, and, besides, $7500 is very good pay for his Maryuema slaves. There is something at the bottom of it all which we shall perhaps know all about before long."
CAMP, ARUWIMI RIVER.
Returning to Yambuya he resolved to proceed over the route taken by Stanley with the aid of the few men he had at his command, among whom were several Manyuemas belonging to Tipo Tib. But when he gave orders to prepare to march, there was open rebellion upon the part of nearly his entire force. Being hot-headed, as Stanley says, he undertook coercive measures, and ordered some to be flogged and others shot. At this there was an uprising, and in the confusion that followed a shot was fired from a musket. No one seemed to know who fired the gun; nor has it since been determined, because the confusion was very great, and several of the men, including Soudanese, Zanzibaris and Manyuema, had guns, and no one, if they really knew, [The killing of Barttelot.] would expose the. guilty party. But the result was, alas, too manifest. The bullet had struck poor Barttelot in the back of the head, killing him instantly, so deadly being the shot that he never uttered either word or groan. Thus ended, in deepest shadows, the bright prospects of this young officer, who fell in his enthusiastic devotion to Stanley, and his loyalty to the purposes of the expedition.
Ward, who had, with the other officers, except Troup, and possibly Bonny, believed Stanley was dead, after giving his best efforts to a reorganization of the demoralized rear column, or the few that now remained, left for England, leaving Mr. Bonny, the sole white man now in the camp, in charge. Bonny therefore, finding that all the responsibility was now upon his own shoulders, decided to follow, as nearly as he could, Stanley's written orders to Barttelot, and in pursuance of this resolve he removed the supplies and the few men yet with him to Banalya, estimating that station to be much more secure than Yambuya, besides at this place he was more likely to hear news from Stanley, as traders passed more frequently from Banalya to the lake regions than from Yambuya, or even from Stanley Falls. The wisdom of this removal will presently appear.
At length the long, long, fearful silence was broken by the receipt of the following letter from Casati, addressed to Campino, and published in the Reforma, Rome. It was like news from the dead:
TUNGURU, LAKE ALBERT, March 25th, 1888.[SON AND DAUGHTER OF KABBA REGA.]
The ill-concealed hatred of King Kabba Rega has vented itself, superstitious fear has conquered him, preparing the ruin of his kingdom. Kabba Rega, urged by his rapacious instincts, had closed the entrances of the country to us and granted us a miserable concession, which he daily attempted to restrict or elude. The transmission of the post by way of Uganda was a scarecrow which disturbed his rest, and our continual exposure of his infamous designs had exasperated his naturally cruel soul. His hatred for us, and especially for me had reached its height, and he, like the coward that he is, was hesitating and awaiting an opportunity which finally presented itself. Armed troops were approaching from the west and, having encamped at Luche, their presence certainly menaced his kingdom. Hence an end to all delays! He breaks the thread which he thought might lead to ruin and completes the isolation of the kingdom by closing the road to Uganda. On January 9, 1888, I was therefore treacherously arrested by order of this wretched monarch, barbarously bound, and driven along hap-hazard, from village to village, always towards the country of the chief Kokora, along the Victoria Nile, a river which, as you know, unites the Victoria and Albert lakes. The chief, Kokora, had received orders to prepare to put me to death.
However, after eight days of suffering and three of absolute fasting I, with my men and two soldiers of the Government, was rescued by Emin Pasha, who came to my relief with a steamer. A soldier sent by me to Tungurut on the shores of the Albert Lake, in a boat which we happened to find amongst the reeds, had borne the announcement of our unhappy plight to the Pasha.
A merchant named Biri, who was a guest in my house, a refugee from Wadelai to Uganda, underwent the same ill-luck as I, but was even less fortunate; he is reported to have killed himself on the road. All my goods, those of Biri, and the ivory belonging to the Government, were sequestrated by the robber-king, but we were permitted to provide ourselves with a little grain to keep off starvation on the road. I will say nothing of my writings, my notes taken during the journey -- the grief is too strong. It is the first time I have felt annihilated; my soul yields, and in the face of this irreparable misfortune my mind is confused. Meanwhile, Stanley is near us; Emin Pasha has already received notice of an expedition towards the north. On April 15th he will start with two steamers and a sufficient number of soldiers and make minute researches. Kabba Rega has sent soldiers to intercept Stanley's march. If my health is restored I shall accompany Emin Pasha. I have made him acquainted with the tenor of the letter which you sent to him, and which Kabba Rega intercepted. He thanks and salutes you.
Will Kabba Rega remain unpunished as did Mwanga? May the life of a European be attacked with impunity, and an African king openly violate the laws of hospitality, betray and break his plighted faith? -- make himself the executioner of a person living in his country as representative of a civil government, such as the Egyptian? It would be too shameful.
Captain Casati was agent for the Egyptiau Government, stationed near Kabba Rega's capital in Unyoro, east of Lake Albert, and all letters from Emin for Europe were sent to him, whose task it was to get them through to Zanzibar; it was this advantage that enabled him to transmit, the above communication, though many that were written before had miscarried.
To this letter the great Arab chief replied, and refused to accompany Stanley, just as he had refused a few weeks previously to accompany Jameson, who offered him, surprising as the statement appears, $150,000 to make the journey with him from Stanley Falls to Wadelai. [Stanley in the Dark Continent]
My Dear Major: You will, I am certain, be as glad to get news, definite and clear, of our movements as I am to feel that I have at last an opportunity of presenting them to you. As they will be of immense comfort to you and your assistants and followers, I shall confine myself to giving you the needful details, We have travelled 340 English miles to make only 192 geographical miles of our easterly course. This has been performed in 83 days, which gives us four and one tenth miles per day. We have yet to make 130 geographical miles, or a winding course of perhaps 230 English miles, which, at the same rate of march as hitherto, we will make in 55 days. [Cutting a Road to the River]
CAMP ON SOUTH BANK ARUWIMI RIVER (Opposite Arab Settlement),
SEPTEMBER 18TH, 1887.
We started from Yambuya 389 souls, whites and blacks. We have now 333, of whom 56 are so sick that we are obliged to leave them behind us at this Arab camp of Ugarrowwa. We are 56 men short of the number with which we left Yambuya. Of these, 30 men have died, four from poisoned arrow wounds, six left in the bush or speared by the natives; 26 have deserted en route thinking they would be able to follow a caravan of Manyuema which we met following the river downward. But this caravan, instead of going on returned to this place, and our deserters, misled by this, will probably follow our tracks downward, until they meet you, or be exterminated by the natives. Be not deluded by any statements they may make. Should you meet them you will have to secure them thoroughly.
The first day we left you we made a good march, which terminated in a fight, the foolish natives firing their own village as they fled. Since that day we have had probably thirty fights. The first view of us the natives had inspired them to show fight. As far as Panga Falls we did not lose a man or meet with any serious obstacles to navigation. Panga is a big cataract, with a decided fall. We cut around it on the south bank and dragged our canoes and went on again.
We had intended to follow a native path which would take us toward our destination with usual windings of the road. For ten days we searched for a road, and then took an elephant track, which carried us into an interminable forest totally uninhabited. Fearing to lose ourselves altogether, we cut a road to the river, and have followed the river ever since. From the point whence we struck the river to Mugwye's country, four days' journey below Panga, we fared very well. Food was abundant; we made long marches, and no halts whatever. Beyond Mugwye's, up to Engweddeh, was a wilderness, eleven days' march, villages being inland and mostly foodless. From this date our strength declined rapidly. People were lost in the bush, as they searched for food, or were slain by the natives. Ulcers, dysentery, and grievous sickness, ending in fatal debility, attacked the people. Hence our enormous loss since leaving Panga -- 30 dead and 26 deserters. Besides which we are obliged to leave 56 behind so used up that without a long rest they would also soon die. Of the Somalis, one is dead (Achmet), the other five remain at this camp until our return from the Lake (Albert). Of the Soudanese, one is dead, we leave three behind to-day. All the whites are in perfect condition, thinnish, but with plenty of go.
Among our fights we have had over fifty wounded, but they all recovered except four. Stairs was severely wounded with an arrow, which penetrated an inch and a half, within a little below the heart, in the left breast. He is all right now. We have had one man shot dead by some person unknown in the camp; another was shot in the foot, resulting in amputation. This latter case is now in a fair state of health.
The number of hours we have marched ought to have taken us back to you by this time, but we have had to daily hew our path through forest and jungle to keep along the river, because the river banks were populated. The forest inland contains no settlements that we know or have heard of. By means of canoes we were able to help the caravan carry the sick and several loads. The boat helped us immensely. Were I to do the work over again I should [Stanley's Routes] collect canoes as large as possible, man them with sufficient paddlers and load up with goods and sick. On the river between Yambuya and Mugwye's country the canoes are numerous and tolerably large. The misfortune is that the Zanzibaris are exceedingly poor boatmen. In my force there are only about 50 who can paddle or pull an oar, but even these have saved our caravan immense labor and many lives which otherwise would have been sacrificed.The second letter was written from Fort Bodo, Ibwiri District, February 14th, 1888.
Our plan has been to paddle from one rapid to another; on reaching strong water, or shoals, we have unloaded canoes and poled or dragged them up, with long rattan or other creepers, through the rapids, then loaded up again and pursued our way until we met another obstacle. The want of sufficient and proper food regularly pulls people down very fast, and they have not that strength to carry the loads which has distinguished them while with me in other parts of Africa.
If Tipo Tib's people have not yet joined you I do not expect you will be very far from Yambuya. You can make two journeys by river for one that you can do on land. Slow as we have been coming up and cutting our way through, I shall come down the river like lightning. The river will be a friend indeed, for the current alone will take us twenty miles a day, and I will pick up as many canoes as possible to help us for our second journey up the river. Follow the river closely and do not lose sight of our track. When the caravan which takes this passes you, look out for your men, or they will run (desert) in a body, taking valuable goods with them.
I need not say that I wish you the best of health, and luck and good fortune, because you are a part of myself. Therefore, good-by.Major Barttelot
Yours very truly,
HENRY M. STANLEY.
"My DEAR MAJOR: After much deliberation with my officers upon the expediency of the act, I have resolved to send twenty couriers to you with this letter, which I know will be welcome to you, and your comrades, as the briefest note or word from you would be to us.After giving explicit directions as to the route Barttelot should take, and the villages where food might be purchased, Stanley continues:
Fort Bodo is 126 English miles from Kavalli, on the Albert N'yanza, or 77 hours of caravan marching (west) and is almost on the same latitude. It is 527 English miles almost direct east from Yambuya, or 352 hours of caravan marching."
"The object of this letter is not only to encourage and cheer you up with definite and exact information of your whereabouts and the land before you, but to also save you from a terrible wilderness whence we all narrowly escaped with our lives. I wrote you from Ugarrowwa's a letter sufficiently detailed to [Fight in Majamboni's Country, December 11, 1887: Burning of villages] enable you to understand what our experience was between Yambuya and' Ugarrowwa's, therefore I begin from Ugarrowwa's and go east to the N'yanza.
"After leaving Ugarrowwa's on September 19th we had 286 souls with us, and 56 sick at Ugarrowwa's; total, 341. By October 6th we had travelled along the south bank of the river amid a country depopulated and devastated by Arabs; and our condition was such, from a constant pinching want, that we had eight deaths and fifty-two sick, that is, sixty utterly used up in sixteen days. I was forced to leave Captain Nelson, lamed by ulcers, and 52 sick and 82 loads [NATIVES IN THE DISTRICT OF UGARROWWA'S.] with him at a camp near the river, while we would explore ahead, find provisions and send back relief.
"Until October 18th we marched in the hope of obtaining food, and on this day we entered a settlement of Manyuema, but in the interval we had travelled through an uninhabited forest, where we lived on wild fruit and fungi. In these twelve days we had lost twenty-two by desertion and death, while the condition of the survivors was terrible.
"We were all emaciated and haggard, but the majority were mere skeletons. On the 29th Nelson's party was relieved, but out of 52 there were only five left. Many had died, many had deserted, about 20 were out in the forest foraging, out of which party only 10 ultimately turned up.
"On October 28th we marched from the Manyuema settlement to this place, Ibwiri. Here we found such an abundance that we halted to recuperate until November 24th. The killing of a bullock immediately upon our arrival was followed by one of the wildest scenes that I ever beheld. Naked and starved the men fought like dogs for every morsel they could tear from the slaughtered animal. On this day the advance column mustered as follows: Sick at Ugarrowwa's (Arab settlement), 56; sick at Manyuema settlement, 38; present in Ibwiri, 174; total, 268. On September 19th we numbered 341; November 24th, 268; dead and missing, 73.
"Beyond this place, Ibwiri, no Arab or Manyuema had ever penetrated, consequently we suffered no scarcity, and on November 24th we marched from Ibwiri for the Albert Lake, which we reached December 13th, having lost only one by death, result of wilderness miseries, and we returned to this place from the Lake Albert January 7th, having lost only four, two of whom died from cause of wilderness miseries; one, Klamis Kaururu (chief), of inflammation of the lungs, and one, Ramaguebin Kuru, of fever and ague contracted near the lake. Thus, between November 24th and January 7th we had lost but five; three of these deaths being a result of privations undergone in the wilderness.[Fort Bodo, see page 456]
"We first met the Manyueina on the first day of August, and parted from them January 6. In this interval we have lost 118 through death and desertion. In their camps it was as bad as in the wilderness, for they ground us down by extortion so extreme that we went naked in a short time. They tempted the Zanzibaris to sell their rifles and ammunition, ramrods, officers' blankets, etc., and then gave food so sparingly that these crimes were of small avail. Finally, besides starving them, tempting them to ruin the expedition, they speared and scourged them and tied them up, until in one case death resulted.
Never were such abject slaves to slaves as our people had become under the influence of the Manyuema. Yet withal they preferred death by spearing, scourging, starvation, ill- treatment, to the duty of load-bearing and marching on to happier regions. Out of 38 men left at the Manyuema camp 11 have died; 11 others may turn up, but it is doubtful. However, we have only received 16; 16 out of 38. Comment is unnecessary.
"When we left the Manyuema camp, October 28, we were obliged to leave our boat and 70 loads behind, as it was absolutely impossible to carry them. Parke and Nelson were detailed to look after them. We hoped that we should find some tree out of which we could make a sizable canoe, or buy or seize one already made. But arriving at Albert Lake we found neither tree nor canoe, therefore were obliged to retrace our steps here quickly to send men back to the Manyuema settlement for the boat and loads. The boat and 37 loads were brought here by Stairs, and nearly 100 men day before yesterday.
You will understand, then, that Emin Pasha, not being found or relieved by us, made it as much necessary that we should devote ourselves to this work, as it was imperative when we set out June 28, 1887, from Yambuya. And you will also understand how anxious we all are about you. We dread your inexperience, and your want of influence with your people. If with my people preferred the society of the Manyuema blackguards to me, who are known to them for twenty years, how much more so with you, a stranger to [WARRIORS CHALLENGING STANLEY.] them and their language. Therefore, the cords of anxiety were strained to an exceeding tension. I am pulled east to Emin Pasha and west to you, your comrades, people and goods.
"Nearly eight months have elapsed, and perhaps you have not had a word from us, though I wrote a long letter from Ugarrowwa's. We were to have been back in December; it is now February, and no one can conjecture how far you may have reached. Did the Stanley arrive in due time? Did she arrive at all? Did Tipo Tib join you? Are you alone with your party, or is Tipo Tib with you? If the latter, why so slow that we have not a word? If alone, we understand that you are very far from us. These are questions daily agitating us.
"According to my calculations, we shall be on the lake April 10. All about Emiu Pasha will be settled by April 25; on the 13th of May we shall be back here, and on the 29th we shall be at Ugarrowwa's, if we have not met you. We shall surely, I hope, meet with the return messengers. These messengers, whom I send to you with a reward of $50 each for the safe delivery into your hands of this letter, I advise you to retain, two of them as guides -- Rugu and Ruga -- in front, but they should be free of loads. Send the 18 and two others back to me as soon as you can, because the sooner we hear from you the sooner we will join hands; and after settling the Emin Pasha question we shall have only one anxiety, which will be to get you safely up here.
"Assuming that Tipo Tib's people are with you, our guides (two) will bring you quickly on here, and we shall probably meet here or at Ugarrowwa's. You have arrived at some station on our former journeys from Yambuya, below Mugwyes, as I take it. Hence, before you get near the Arab influence, where your column will surely break up if you are alone, I order you to go to the nearest place (Mugwyes, Aveysheba; or Nepoka Confluence) that is to you, and there to build a strong camp and wait us; but whatever you decide upon let us know. If you come near Ugarrowwa's you will lose men, rifles, powder, everything of value; your own boys will betray you, because they will sell food so dearly that your people, from stress of hunger, will steal everything.
"At either of these places above you will get safety and food until we relieve you. So long as you are stationary, there is no fear of desertion, but the daily task, added to constant insufficiency of food, will sap the fidelity of your best men.
"With everybody's best wishes to you, I send my earnest prayer that you are, despite all unwholesome and evil conjectures, where you ought to be, and that this letter will reach you in time to save you from that forest misery and from the fangs of the ruthless Manyuema blackguards. To everyone of your officers, also, these good wishes are given, from
"Yours most sincerely,
"HENRY M. STANLEY.
"To Major Barttelot, Commanding Rear Column."
There are said to be many other strange people in this "Daka" region, some of whom it is declared have four eyes, others who possess such extraordinary ears that they make use of one to lie open, like a blanket, and the other as a covering far the body. Some live in trees and others in subterranean galleries but all alike, are represented as being wonderfully courageous and ferocious, while not a few possess such a knowledge of the black art that to their feracity they add the power of torturing victims without even touching them. [NATIVES OF THE TOWN OF FUTA.] The dwarfs, most of whom it is believed wear long beards and sharpen their teeth like the Fan Cannibals, are very vindictive and cruel, guarding their kingdom with the greatest jealousy and visiting inconceivably terrible punishments upon all who invade their territory. It will be. remembered that Kabba Rega gave Stanley, on his second expedition into Central Africa, surprising descriptions of these much dreaded manikins, and fully indicated the great fear in which they are held.
To the superstitions here mentioned, which are current throughout a greater part of Africa, and which made Stanley's men so reluctant to enter this proscribed and horror-associated country, another trouble quite as serious was encountered by Stanley in Tipo Tib's refusal to supply the armed escort that he had promised under contract. Thus was Stanley forced to use his own resources, consisting largely of persuasion and moral influence, to induce his column to continue an advance towards the Albert Lake, and that he succeeded is another proof of his wonderful power over the ignorant natives and his extraordinary abilities as a commander in the most direful exigencies. His own story as herewith given is as exciting in the detail of facts as it is modest in tone and description.
[SHARPENING THE TEETH.]To the Chairman of the Emin Pasha Relief Committee.
BUNGANGETA ISLAND, ITURI OR ARUWIMI RIVER,
August 28th, 1888.
SIR: -- A short dispatch briefly announcing that we had placed the first instalment of relief in the hands of Emin Pasha on the Albert N'yanza was sent, to you by couriers from Stanley Falls, along with letters to Tipo Tib, the Arab governor of that district, on the 17th inst., within three hours of our meeting with the rear column of the expedition. I propose to relate to you the story of our movements since June 28th, 1887.
I had established an entrenched and palisaded camp at Yambuya, on the Lower Aruwimi, just below the first rapids. Major Edmund Barttelot, being senior of those officers with me, was appointed commandant. Mr. J.S. Jameson, a volunteer, was associated with him. On the arrival of all men and goods from Bolobo and Stanley Pool, the officers still believed Messrs. Troup, Ward and Bonny were to report to Major Barttelot for duty. [AN ALAKERE VILLAGE.] But no important action or movement (according to the letter of instructions given by me to the Major before leaving) was to be made without consulting with Messrs. Jameson, Troup and Ward. The columns under Major Barttelot's orders mustered 257 men.
As I requested the Major to send you a copy of the instructions issued to each officer, you are doubtless aware that the Major was to remain at Yambuya until the arrival of the steamer from Stanley Pool with the officers, men and goods left behind; and, if Tipo Tib's promised contingent of carriers had in the mean time arrived, he was to march his column and follow our track, which, so long as it traversed the forest region, would be known by the blazing of the trees, by our camps and zaribas, etc. If Tipo Tib's carriers did not arrive, then if he (the Major) preferred moving on to staying at Yambuya, he was to discard such things as mentioned in letter of instructions, and commence making double and triple journeys by short stages, until I should come down from the N'yanza and relieve him. The instructions were explicit and, as the officers admitted, intelligible.
The advance column, consisting of 389 officers and men, set out from Yambuya June 28th, 1887. The first day we followed the river bank, marched twelve miles, and arrived in the large district of Yankonde. At our approach the natives set fire to their villages, and under cover of the smoke attacked the pioneers who were clearing the numerous obstructions they had planted before the first village. The skirmish lasted fifteen minutes. The second day we followed a path leading inland but trending east. We followed this path for five days through a dense population. Every art known to native minds for molesting, impeding and wounding an enemy was resorted to; but we passed through without the loss of a man. Perceiving that the path was taking us too far from our course, we cut a north-easterly track, and reached the river again on the 5th of July. From this date until the 18th of October we followed the left bank of the Aruwimi. After seventeen days' continuous marching we halted one day for rest. On the twenty-fourth day from Yambuya we lost two men by desertion. In the month of July we made four halts only. On the 1st day of August the first death occurred, which was from dysentery; so that for thirty-four days our course had been singularly successful. But as we now entered a wilderness, which occupied us nine days in marching through it, our sufferings began to multiply, and several deaths occurred. The river at this time was of great use to us; our boat and several canoes relieved the wearied and sick of their load, so that progress, though not brilliant as during the first month, was still steady. [CROSSING A SMALL AFFLUENT OF THE ARUWIMI].
On the 13th of August we arrived at Air-Sibba. On the opposite bank of the river there seemed to be a dense population of savages, who resented our appearance by firing volley after volley of poisoned arrows at us. The Zanzibari's returned the compliment by a round from their muskets, which brought our white men quickly into action. Lieutenant Stairs, followed by a party of resolute fellows, jumped into a boat and headed for the enemy, who lay concealed in the dense brush that grew down to the water's edge. As he was standing up in the boat to direct the rowers, a poisoned arrow, having a wooden head, struck him just below the heart. The shaft was broken in an effort to extricate it, leaving a large portion of the arrow head in the wound. He was at once brought back and placed under the care of Dr. Parke, our surgeon, who succeeded in saving his life, although the piece of arrow left in the wound was not extracted until fourteen months afterward. Nearly all the other men wounded by poisoned arrows in this engagement died within four days, of lockjaw.
On the 15th Mr Jephson, in command of the land party, led his men inland, became confused and lost his way. We were not reunited until the 21st.
On the 25th of August we arrived in the district of Air-jeli. Opposite our camp was the mouth of the tributary Nepoko; and on the 31st of August we met for the first time a party of Manyuema belonging to the caravan of Ugarrowwa, alias Uledi Balyuz, who turned out to be a former tent-boy of Speke's. Our misfortunes began from this date, for I had taken the Congo route to avoid Arabs, that they might not tamper with my men and tempt them to desert by their presents, yet twenty-six men deserted within three days of this unfortunate meeting.
On the 16th of September we arrived at a camp opposite the station at Ugarrowwa's. As food was very scarce, owing to his having devastated an immense region, we halted but one day near him. Such friendly terms as I could make with such a man I made, and left fifty-six men with him. All the Somalis preferred to rest at Ugarrowwa's to the continuous marching. Five Soudanese were also left. It would have been certain death for all of them to have accompanied us. At Ugarrowwa's they might possibly recover. Five dollars a month per head was to be paid to this man for their food.
On September 18th we left Ugarrowwa's, and on the 18th of October entered the settlement occupied by Kilinga-Longa, a Zanzibari slave belonging to Abed bin Salim, an old Arab whose bloody deeds are recorded in "The Congo and the Founding of its Free State."
On October 5th the expedition was so nearly exhausted for want of food, and having arrived at an impassable cataract just below the junction of the two rivers Ihuru and Ituri, we made camp and sent men on ahead to examine the river and discover where navigation might be resumed. Remaining here one day the men returned and reported that the river route was impracticable for either boats or canoes for a long distance. Captain Nelson was suffering from ulcerated feet and unable to travel further. Several other of our men were in an equally deplorable condition, so that I concluded to make a camp here at which to leave those who were unable to proceed further on foot, hoping that the rest would soon restore them. Accordingly we sank the canoes and took the boats out of the water preparatory to making ready for an inland march. To have halted the entire expedition here would result in starvation for all, so those able to travel were forced, for self-preservation, to push on, to procure food for themselves and to send back supplies to those left behind.
On October 6th the column started, leaving behind them fifty-five men, one white officer, and eighty-seven loads. It was thought that food would most probably arrive at the camp in about nine days. The day after the column left, Captain Nelson got up a canoe, and, picking out twenty of the strongest men, sent them down river to try and get food at some deserted plantations the column had passed some two or three days before. On leaving camp, Lieutenant Stairs had given Captain Nelson one fish-hook. While getting the canoe up a little fish like a white-bait was found in the sand at bottom of canoe. This was promptly seized, and, after the canoe had started, was placed on the hook. After fishing for a few minutes Captain Nelson got one small fish about four inches long. Taking off the head, which he kept for bait, he promptly cooked the fish. This, and took one cup of weak beef-tea, was all the food that day, for on going to fish again the hook got fast in the rocks in the middle of the river and was lost. Soon death began to play havoc among the poor Zanzibaris, first one dying, then another, so that after the first few days there was hardly a day passed without one or two deaths. Deserters came back from the column with terrible accounts of the people's sufferings, and also of hard fighting with the natives. [ON THE ROAD TO KILINGA-LONGA'S] The scene in camp was now an awful one, dead and dying lying all over the camp. At first the dead were put into the river, for no one had strength to dig graves for them; but afterwards they had to be left, as the living were too weak to remove the corpses. The ninth day had passed without the promised relief arriving. Day after day passed away, until at last, on October 29th, the twenty-third day, Mr. Jephson arrived with about forty Zanzibaris and thirty of the Manyuema from the Arab camp, with a small supply of food. Out of the fifty-five men left in camp, and made up to about sixty by the deserters from the column, only eight were fit to start; and of these only five reached the Arab camp. Captain Nelson was simply a bag of bones, having hardly an ounce of flesh left. The total loss was fearful. Sixty being the whole number, five reached the Arab camp, with Mr. Jephson; of the twenty who had gone down river to get food ten were, after terrible suffering, picked up by a caravan of Kilinga-Longa's; and of these fifteen men only seven or eight actually went on to Fort Bodo; the others died at the Arab camp." [A MEAL, IN THE WILDERNESS]
This proved an awful month to us; not one member of the expedition, white or black, will ever forget it. The advance numbered 273 souls on leaving Ugarrowwa's, because out of 389 men we had lost sixty-six by desertion and death between Yambuya and Ugarrowwa's, and had left fifty-six men sick in the Arab station. On reaching Kilinga-Longa's we discovered we had lost fifty-five men by starvation and desertion. We had lived principally on wild fruit, fungi, and a large, flat, bean-shaped nut. The slaves of Abed bin Salim did their utmost to ruin the expedition, short of open hostilities; they purchased rifles, ammunition, clothing, so that when we left their station we were beggared and our men were absolutely naked. We were so weak physically that we were unable to carry the boat and about seventy loads of goods; we therefore left these goods and boat at Kilinga- Longa's under Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson, the latter of whom was unable to march, and after twelve days' journey we arrived at a native settlement called Ibwiri. [HUTS OF THE IBWIRI VILLAGERS.] Between Kilinga-Longa's and Ibwiri our condition had not improved. The Arab devastation had reached within a few miles of Ibwiri -- a devastation so complete that there was not one native hut standing between Ugarrowwa's and Ibwiri, and what had not been destroyed by the slaves of Ugarrowwa and Abed bin Salim the elephants destroyed, and turned the whole region into a horrible wilderness. But at Ibwiri we were beyond the utmost reach of the destroyers; we were on virgin soil, in a populous region abounding with food. Our suffering from hunger, which began on the 31st of August, terminated on the 12th of November. Ourselves and men were skeletons. Out of 389 we now only numbered 147, several of whom seemed to have no hope of life left. A halt was therefore ordered for the people to recuperate. Hitherto our people were sceptical of what we told them; the suffering has been so awful, calamities so numerous, the forest so endless apparently, that they refused to believe that by-and-by we should see plains and cattle and the N'yanza and the white man, Emin Pasha. We felt as though we were dragging them along with a chain round our necks. [WHIPPING AN INSUBORDINATE.] "Beyond these raiders lies a country untouched, where food is abundant and where you will forget your miseries; so, cheer up, boys; be men, press on a little faster." They turned a deaf ear to our prayers and entreaties, for, driven by hunger and suffering, they sold their rifles and equipments for a few ears of Indian corn, deserted with the ammunition, and were altogether demoralized. Perceiving that prayers and entreaties and mild punishments were of no avail, I then resolved to visit upon the wretches the death penalty. Two of the worst cases were accordingly taken and hung in presence of all, and others were whipped.
We halted thirteen days in Ibwiri, and revelled on fowls, goats, bananas, corn, sweet potatoes, yams, beans, etc. The supplies were inexhaustible, and the people glutted themselves; the effect was such that I had 172 -- one was killed by an arrow -- mostly sleek and robust men, when I set out for the Albert Nyanza on the 24th of November. We were still 126 miles from the lake; but, given food, such a distance seemed nothing.[Ascending a hill overlooking the Albert N'Yanza]
On the 1st of December we sighted the open country from the top of a ridge connected with Mount Pisgah, so named from our first view of the land of promise and plenty. On the 5th of' December we emerged upon the plains, and the deadly, gloomy forest was behind us. After 160 days' continuous gloom we saw the light of broad day shining all round us and making all things beautiful. We thought we had never seen grass so green, or country so lovely. The men literally yelled and leaped for joy, and raced over the ground with their burdens. Ah, this was the old spirit of former expeditions successfully completed all of a sudden revived. [PURCHASING A SIGHT OF KING MAZAMBONI.]
Woe betide the native aggressor we may meet, however powerful he may be; with such a spirit the men will fling themselves like wolves on sheep. Numbers will not be considered. It had been the eternal forest that had made them abject, slavish creatures, so brutally plundered by Arab slaves at Kilinga-Longa's.
On the 9th we came to the country of the powerful chief Mazamboni. The villages were scattered over a great extent of country so thickly that there was no other road except through their villages or fields. From a long distance the natives had sighted us, and were prepared. We seized a hill as soon as we arrived, in the centre of a mass of villages, about 4 P.M. on the 9th of December, and occupied it, building a zariba as fast as bill-hooks could cut brushwood. The war cries were terrible from hill to hill; they were sent pealing across the intervening valleys; the people gathered by hundreds from every point; warhorns and drums announced that a struggle was about to take place. Such natives as were too bold we checked with but little effort, and a slight skirmish ended in our capturing a cow, the first beef tasted since we left the ocean. The night passed peacefully, both sides preparing for the morrow. On the morning of the 10th we attempted to open negotiations. The natives were anxious to know who we were, and we were anxious to glean news of the land that threatened to ruin the expedition. Hours were passed talking, both parties keeping a respectable distance apart. The natives said they were subject to Uganda; but that Kabba Rega was their real king, Mazamboni holding the country for Kabba Rega. They finally accepted cloth and brass rods to show their King Mazamboni, and his answer was to be given next day. In the, mean time all hostilities were to be suspended.
The morning of the 11th dawned, and at 8 A.M. we were startled at hearing a man proclaiming that it was Mazamboni's wish that we should be driven back from the land. The proclamation was received by the valley around our neighborhood with deafening cries. Their word "kanwana" signifies to make peace, "kurwana" signifies war. We were therefore in doubt, or rather we hoped we had heard wrongly. We sent an interpreter a little nearer to ask if it was kanwana or kurwana. Kurwana, they responded, and to emphasize the term two arrows were shot at him which dissipated all doubt. Our hill stood between a lofty range of hills and a lower range. On one side of us was a narrow valley 250 yards wide; on the other side the valley was three miles wide. East and west of us the valley broadened into an extensive plain. The higher range of hills was lined with hundreds preparing to descend; the broader valley was already mustering its hundreds. There was no time to lose. A body of forty men were sent, under Lieutenant Stairs, to attack the broader valley. Mr. Jephson was sent with thirty men east; a choice body of sharpshooters was sent to test the courage of those descending the slope of the highest range. Stairs crossed on, passed a deep and narrow river in the face of hundreds of natives, and assaulted the first village and took it. The sharpshooters did their work effectively, and drove the descending natives rapidly up the slope until it became a general flight. Meantime, Mr. Jephson was not idle. He marched straight up the valley east, driving the people back, and taking their villages as he went. By 3 P.M. there was not a native visible anywhere, except on one small hill about a mile and a half west of us. [NATIVES FORBIDDING A PASSAGE THROUGH THEIR DISTRICT.]
On the morning of the 12th we continued our march; during the day we had four little fights. On the 13th we marched straight east; attacked by new forces every hour until noon, but these we successfully overcame; then we halted for refreshments.
At 1 P. M. we resumed our march in a driving rain storm up a steep hill. Fifteen minutes later I cried out, "Prepare yourselves for a sight of the N'yanza!" The men murmured and doubted, and said, "Why does the master continually talk to us in this way? N'yanza, indeed; is not this a plain and can we not see mountains at least four days' march ahead of us?" At 1.30 P.M. the Albert N'yanza was below them. Now it was my turn to jeer and scoff at the doubters, but as I was about to ask them what they saw, so many came to kiss my hands and beg my pardon that I could not say a word. This was my reward. The mountains, they said, were the mountains of Unyoro, or rather its lofty plateau wall. Kavalli, the objective point of the expedition, was six miles from us as the crow flies. [Arguing with a chief for the right of way][Village of Ungarrowwa]
We were at an altitude of 5200 feet above the sea. The Albert N'yanza was over 2900 feet below us. We stood in 1 deg. 20 min. N. lat.; the south end of the N'yanza lay largely mapped about six miles south of this position. Right across to the eastern shore every dent in its low flat shore was visible, and traced like a silver snake on the dark ground was the tributary Simliki, flowing into the Albert from the south-west.
After a short halt to enjoy the prospect we commenced the rugged and stony descent. Before the rear-guard had descended 100 feet, the natives of the plateau we had just left poured after them. Had they shown as much courage and perseverance on the plain as they now exhibited, we might have been seriously delayed. The rear-guard was kept very busy until within a few hundred feet of the N'yanza plain: We camped at the foot of the plateau wall, the aneroids reading 2500 feet above sea-level. A night attack was made on us, but our sentries sufficed to drive these natives away.
At 9 A.M. on the 14th we approached the village of Kanongo, situate at the south-west corner of the Albert Lake. Three hours were spent by us attempting to make friends. We signally failed. They would not allow us to go to the lake, because we might frighten their cattle. They would not exchange blood-brotherhood with us, because they never heard of any good people coming from the west side of the lake. They would not accept any presents from us, because they did not know who we were. They would not give us water to drink, and they would not show us our road up to Nyamsassie. But from these singular people we learnt that they had heard there was a white man at Unyoro, but they had never heard of any white men being on the west side, nor had they seen any steamers on the lake. There were no canoes to be had, except such as would hold the men, etc.
There was no excuse for quarrelling; the people were civil enough, but they did not want us near them. We therefore were shown the path and followed it a few miles, when we camped about half a mile from the lake. We began to consider our position, by the light thrown upon it by the conversation with the Kanongo natives. My couriers from Zanzibar had evidently not arrived, or, I presume, Emin Pasha with his two steamers would have paid the south-west side of the lake a visit to prepare the natives for our coming. My boat was at Kilinga- Longa's, 190 miles distant. There was no canoe obtainable, and to seize a canoe without the excuse of a quarrel my conscience would not permit. There was no tree anywhere of the size to make canoes. Wadelai was a terrible distance off for an expedition so reduced as ours. We had used five cases of cartridges in five days' fighting on the plain. A month of such fighting must exhaust our stock. There was no plan suggested which seemed feasible to me, except that of retreating to Ibwiri, build a fort, send a party back to Kilinga-Longa's for our boat, store up every load in the fort not conveyable, leave a garrison in the fort to hold it, and raise corn for us; march back again to Lake Albert, and send the boat to search for Emin Pasha. This was the plan which, after lengthy discussions with my officers, I resolved upon.
On the 15th we marched to the site of Kavalli, on the west side of the lake. Kavalli had years ago been destroyed. At 4 P.M. the Kanongo natives had followed us and shot several arrows into our bivouac, and disappeared as quickly as they came. At 6 P.M. we began a night march, and by 10 A.M. of the 16th we gained the crest of the plateau once more, Kanongo natives having persisted in following us up the slope of the plateau. We had one man killed and one wounded.
By January 7th we were in Ibwiri once again, and after a few days' rest Lieutenant Stairs and a hundred men were sent to Kilinga-Longa's to bring the boat and goods up, also Surgeon Parke and Captain Nelson. Out of 38 sick in charge of the officers only 11 were brought to the fort, the rest had died or deserted.
A site having been chosen at Ibwiri, an entrenched camp was begun on June 7th, 1888, which we named Fort Bodo. This work was by no means a small undertaking, for we recognized the importance of making our position here a thoroughly secure one. Our men therefore began the work with a hearty will. Some collected long poles, others the boards used by the natives in building their villages, others cut long vines to be used as rope, and some more men dug the holes in which the uprights of the boma were to be placed. The poles having been placed in position, two and two, the boards were inserted lengthways between these and secured, lashed home with strong vines, and so on until a secure arrow-proof boma, ten feet high, surronnded the whole position. Four towers were placed-two at the east and west angles, and one on the north and one on the south faces -- to give efficient flank defence and command over the surrounding country. A ditch, eight feet wide and seven feet deep, was dug on the north side, and every means possible adopted to make the place secure against surprise. It was also intended that this place should afford a depot for grain, so that if necessary a "suffari" could come in and leave in a day or two's time fully provisioned. For this purpose they broke up eleven acres of ground, and planted the same with Indian corn and beans. The greatest trial was the nocturnal raids of droves of elephants. Sometimes three or four acres of banana trees would be destroyed in a single night by these monsters. It required the close attention of sixteen men for four days a week to keep these elephants out of the plantations. Another source of worry to the garrison was the the [sic] devastating hurricanes, which would sweep over the crops, laying green corn flat on the ground, and lessening greatly the quantity of corn to go into the granaries. The Expedition officers kept the sentries on the alert both day and night, or they would have had the fort burnt down over their heads. They had tried many times to make friends with the Bushmen around, but to no purpose. No less than five times these came on at night trying to steal corn and tobacco, and every time the sentries heard them in the darkness, and were able to drive them off. To the north, about six miles in the forest, were many hidden camps of "Wambutti," or dwarfs -- little men averaging, perhaps, four feet four inches in height, and keen in everything pertaining to woodcraft. To describe every-day life at Fort Bodo, a day's doings has simply been taken out of one of the journals: "Thursday, May 17. -- To-day, 4th of Ramadan. Had a muster, posted all men to their stations (this a precaution in case of night attack). At work with all hands hoeing and weeding lower field; to-day's sick number ten; all are improving slowly. Nelson's brew of banana beer has come off splendidly. We now make beer, syrup and jam from ripe bananas, all of which are very good. The boys killed a large puff-adder this morning in the lower field, a most venomous looking reptile." And so on, from day to day, planting, looking after the crops and sick men. This was the chief work, varied now and then by a counterattack on those natives who might get too bold.
On the return of Stairs with the boat and goods he was sent to Ugarrowwa's to bring up the convalescents there. I granted him 39 days' grace. Soon after his departure I was attacked with gastritis and an abscess on the arm, but after a month's careful nursing by Dr. Parke I recovered, and 47 days having expired I set out again for the Albert N'yanza, April 2d, accompanied by Messrs. Jephson and Parke. Captain Nelson, now recovered, was appointed commandant at Fort Bodo in our absence, with a garrison of 41 men and boys.
On April 26th we arrived in Mazamboni's country once again, but this time after solicitation Mazamboni decided to make blood-brotherhood with me. Though I had 50 rifles less with me on this second visit, the example of Mazamboni was followed by all the other chiefs as far as the N'yanza, and every difficulty seemed removed. Food was supplied gratis; cattle, sheep, goats and fowls were also given in such abundance that our people lived royally. One day's march from the N'yanza the natives came from Kavalli and said that a white man named "Malejji" had given their chief a black packet to give to me, his son. Would I follow them? "Yes, to- morrow," I answered, "and if your words are true I will make you rich."[Natives of the Fort Bodo District]
They remained with us that night, telling us wonderful stories about "big ships as large as islands filled with men," etc., which left no doubt in our minds that this white man was Emin Pasha. The next day's march brought us to the chief, Kavalli, and after a while he handed me a note from Emin Pasha, covered with a strip over black American oil-cloth. The note was to the effect "that as there had been a native rumor to the effect that a white man had been seen at the south end of the lake, he had gone in his steamer to make inquiries, but had been unable to obtain reliable information, as the natives were terribly afraid of Kabba Rega, King of Unyoro, and connected every stranger with him. However, the wife of the Nyamsassie chief had told a native ally of his named Mogo that she had seen us in Mrusuma (Mazamboni's country). He therefore begged me to remain where I was until he could communicate with me. The note was signed "(Dr.) Emin," and dated March 26th.
The next day, April 23d, Mr. Jephson was dispatched with a strong force of men to take the boat to the N'yanza. On the 26th the boat's crew sighted Msaw station, the southernmost belonging to Emin Pasha, and Mr. Jephson was there hospitably received by the Egyptian garrison. The boat's crew say that they were embraced one by one, and that they never had such attention shown to them as by these men, who hailed them as brothers.
The next day we moved to a better camping place, about three miles above Nyamsassie, and at this spot Emin Pasha also made his camp; we were together until the 25th of May. On that day I left him, leaving Mr. Jephson, three Soudanese and two Zanzibaris in his care, and in return he caused to accompany me three of his irregulars and 102 Mahdi natives as porters. [Marching into Banalya]
Fourteen days later I was at Fort Bodo. At the fort were Captain Nelson and Lieutenant Stairs. The latter had returned from Ugarrowwa's 22 days after I had set out for the lake, April 2d, bringing with him, alas, only 16 men out of 56. All the rest were dead. My 20 couriers whom I had sent with letters to Major Barttelot had safely left Ugarrowwa's for Yambuya on March 16th.
Fort Bodo was in a flourishing state. Nearly ten acres were under cultivation. One crop of Indian corn had been harvested, and was in the granaries; they had just commenced planting again.
On the 16th of June I left Fort Bodo with 111 Zanzibaris and 101 of Emin Pasha's people. Lieutenant Stairs had been appointed commandant of the fort, Nelson second in command, and Surgeon Parke, medical officer. The garrison consisted of 59 rifles. I had thus deprived myself of all my officers in order that I should not be encumbered with provisions and medicines, which would have to be taken if accompanied by Europeans, and every carrier was necessary for the vast stores left with Major Barttelot. On the 24th of June we reached Kilinga-Longa's and July 19th Ugarrowwa's. The latter station was deserted. Ugarrowwa, having gathered as much ivory as he could obtain from that district, had proceeded down river about three months before. On leaving Fort Bodo I had loaded every carrier with about 60 pounds of corn, so that we had been able to pass through the wilderness unscathed.
Passing on down river as fast as we could go, daily expecting to meet the couriers, who had been stimulated to exert themselves for a reward of $50 per head, or the Major himself leading an army of carriers, we indulged ourselves in these pleasing anticipations as we neared the goal.
On the 10th of August we overtook Ugarrowwa with an immense flotilla of 57 canoes, and, to our wonder, our couriers, now reduced to 17. They related an awful story of hair-breadth escapes and tragic scenes. Three of their number had been slain, two were still feeble from their wounds, all except five bore on their bodies the scars of arrow wounds.
A week later, on August 17, we met the rear column of the expedition at a place called Banalya, or, as the Arabs have corrupted it, Unarya. There was a white man at the gate of the stockade whom I at first thought was Mr. Jameson, but a nearer view revealed the features of Mr. Bonny, who left the medical service of the army to accompany us.
"Well, my dear Bonny, where is the Major?"
"He is dead, sir; shot by the Manyuema about a month ago."
"Good God -- and Mr. Jameson?"
"He has gone to Stanley Falls to try and get some more men from Tipo Tib."
"And Mr. Troup?"
"Mr. Troup has gone home, sir, invalided."
"Hem -- well, where is Ward?"
"Mr. Ward is at Bangala, sir."
"Heavens alive -- then you are the only one here!"
I found the rear column a terrible wreck. Out of 257 men there were only 71 remaining. Out of 71, only 52, on mustering them, seemed fit for service, and these mostly were scarecrows. The advance had performed the march from Yambuya to Banalya in sixteen days, despite native opposition. The rear column performed the same distance in forty-three days. [Look out for the crocodile] According to Mr. Bonny, during the thirteen month and twenty days that had elapsed since I had left Yambuya, the record is only of disaster, desertion and death. I have not the heart to go into the details, many of which are incredible, and, indeed, I have not the time, for, excepting Mr. Bonny, I have no one to assist me in re-organizing the expedition. There are still far more loads than I can carry, at the same time articles needful are missing. For instance, I left Yambuya with only a short campaigning kit, leaving my reserve of clothing and personal effects in charge of the officers. In December some deserters from the advance column reached Yambuya to spread the report that I was dead. They had no papers with them, but the officers seemed to accept the report of these deserters as a fact, and in January Mr. Ward, at an officers' mess meeting, proposed that my instructions should be cancelled. The only one who appears to have dissented was Mr. Bonny. Accordingly, my personal kit, medicines, soap, candles and provisions were sent down the Congo as "superfluities." Thus, after making this immense personal sacrifice to relieve them and cheer them up, I find myself naked and deprived of even the necessaries of life in Africa. But, strange to say, they have kept two hats and four pair of boots, a flannel jacket, and I propose to go back to Emin Pasha and across Africa with this truly African kit. Livingstone, poor fellow, was all in patches when I met him, but it will be the reliever myself who will be in patches this time. Fortunately, not one of my officers will envy me, for their kits are intact; it was only myself that was dead.
I pray you to say that we were only 82 days from the Albert Lake to Banalya, and 61 from Fort Bodo. The distance is not very great; it is the people who fail one. Going to N'yanza, we felt as though we had the tedious task of' dragging them; on returning, each man knew the road and did not need any stimulus. Between the N'yanza and here we only lost three men, one of which was by desertion. I brought 131 Zanzibaris here, I left 59 at Fort Bodo, total 190 men out of 389; loss, 50 per cent. At Yambuya I left 257 men; there are only 71 left, ten of whom will never leave this camp; loss, over 170. This proves that though the sufferings of the advance were unprecedented, the mortality was not so great as in camp at Yambuya. The survivors of the march are all robust, while the survivors of the rear column are thin and most unhealthy looking.
I have thus rapidly sketched out our movements since June 28th, 1887. I wish I had the leisure to furnish more details, but I cannot find the time. I write this amid the hurry and bustle of departure, and amid constant interruptions. You will, however, have gathered from this letter an idea of the nature of the country traversed by us. We were 160 days in the forest -- one continuous, unbroken, compact forest. The grass land was traversed by us in eight days. The limits of the forest along the edge of the grass land are well marked. We saw it extending north-easterly, with its curves and bays and capes, just like a sea-shore. South-westerly it preserved the same character. North and south, the forest area extends from Nyangwe to the southern borders of the Monbutto; east and west it embraces all from the Congo, at the mouth of the Aruwimi, to about east longitude 29 deg.-- 40 deg. How far west beyond the Congo the forest reaches I do not know. The superficial extent of the tract thus described -- totally covered by forest -- is 246,000 square miles. North of the Congo, between Upoto and the Aruwimi, the forest embraces another 20,000 square miles.
Between Yambuya and N'yanza we came across five distinct languages. The last is that which is spoken by the Wanyoro, Wanyankori, Wanya Ruanda, Wahha, and people of Karangwe and Ukerewe.
The land slopes gently from the crest of the plateau above the N'yanza down to the Congo River from an altitude of 5500 feet to 1400 feet above the sea. North and south of our track, through the grass land, the face of the land was much broken by groups of cones or isolated mounts or ridges. North we saw no land higher than about 6000 feet above the sea, but bearing .250 deg. magnetic, at a distance of about 50 miles from our camp on the N'yanza, we saw a towering mountain, its summit covered with snow, and probably 17,000 feet or 18,000 feet above the sea. It is called Ruewenzori, and will probably prove a rival to Kilimanjaro. I am not sure that it may not prove to be the Gordon Bennett Mountain in Gambaragara, but there are two reasons for doubting it to be the same -- first, it is a little too far west for the position of the latter as given by me in 1876; and secondly, we saw no snow on the Gordon Bennett. I might mention a third, which is that the latter is a perfect cone apparently, while the Ruewenzori is an oblong mount, nearly level on the summit, with two ridges extending north-east and south-west.
I have met only three natives who have seen the lake towards the south. They agree that it is large, but not so large as the Albert N'yanza.
The Aruwimi becomes known as the Suhali about 100 miles above Yambuya; as it nears the Nepoko it is called the Nevoa; beyond its confluence with the Nepoko it is known as the No-Welle; 300 miles from the Congo it is called the Itiri, which is soon changed into the Ituri, which name it retains to its source. Ten minutes' march from the Ituri waters we saw the N'yanza, like a mirror in its immense gulf.
Before closing my letter let me touch more at large on the subject which brought me to this land, viz., Emin Pasha.
The Pasha has two battalions of regulars under him; the first, consisting of about 750 rifles, occupies Duffili, Honyu, Labore, Muggi, Kirri, Bedden, Rejaf; the second battalion, consisting of 640 men, guards the stations of Wadelai, Fatiko, Mahagi and Mswa, a line of communication along the N'yanza and Nile about 180 geographical miles in length. In the interior, west of the Nile, he retains three or four small stations --fourteen in all. Besides these two battalions he has quite a respectable force of irregulars, sailors, artisans, clerks, servants. "Altogether," he said, "if I consent to go away from here we shall have about 8000 people with us."
I replied, "Were I in your place I would not hesitate one moment or be a second in doubt about what to do."
"What you say is quite true," he responded, "but we have such a large number of women and children, probably 10,000 people altogether. How can they all be brought out of here? We shall want a great number of carriers."
"The women must walk. It will do them more good than harm. As for the little children, load them on the donkeys. I hear you have about 200 of them. Your people will not travel very far for the first month, but little by little they will get accustomed to it. Our Zanzibar women crossed Africa on my second expedition; why cannot your black women do the same? Have no fear of them; they will do better than the men."
"They would require a vast amount of provisions for the road."
"True, but you have some thousands of cattle, I believe. Those will furnish beef. The countries through which we pass must furnish grain and vegetable food."
"Well, well, we will defer further talk until to- morrow."
May 1, 1888. Halt in camp at Nsabe. The Pasha came ashore from the steamer Khedive about 1 P.M., and in a short time we commenced our conversation again. Many of the arguments used above were repeated, and he said:
"What you told me yesterday has led me to think that it is best we should retire from here. The Egyptians are very willing to leave. There are, of these about 100 men, besides their women and children. Of these there is no doubt, and even if I stayed here I should be glad to get rid of them, because they undermine my authority and nullify all my endeavors for retreat. When I informed them that Khartoum had fallen and Gordon Pasha was slain, they always told the Nubians that it was a concocted story, that some day we should see the steamers ascend the river for their relief. But of the regulars who compose the 1st and 2d battalions I am extremely doubtful; they have led such a free and happy life here that they would demur at leaving a country where they have enjoyed luxuries they cannot command in Egypt. The soldiers are married, and several of them have harems. Many of the irregulars would also retire and follow me. Now, supposing the regulars refuse to leave, you can imagine that my position would be a difficult one. Would I be right in leaving them to their fate? Would it not be consigning them all to ruin? I should have to leave them their arms and ammunition, and on returning all discipline would be at an end. Disputes would arise and factions would be formed. The more ambitious would aspire to be chiefs by force, and from these rivalries would spring hate and mutual slaughter until there would be none of them left."
"Supposing you resolve to stay, what of the Egyptians?" I asked.
"Oh, these I shall have to ask you to be good enough to take with you"
"Now, will you, Pasha, do me the favor to ask Captain Casati if we are to have the pleasure of his company to the sea, for we have been instructed to assist him also should we meet?"
Captain Casati answered through Emin Pasha:
"What the Governor Emin decides upon shall be the rule of conduct for me also. If the Governor stays, I stay. If the Governor goes, I go."
"Well, I see, Pasha, that in the event of your staying your responsibilities will be great."
A laugh. The sentence was translated to Casati, and the gallant captain replied:
[Native Boat-women at Kavalli]
"Oh, I beg pardon, but I absolve the Pasha from all responsibility connected with me, because I am governed by my own choice entirely."
Thus day after day I recorded faithfully the interviews I had with Emin Pasha; but these extracts reveal as much as is necessary for you to understand the position. I left Mr. Jephson, thirteen of my Soudanese, and sent a message to be read to the troops, as the Pasha requested. Everything else is left until I return with the united expedition to the N'yanza.
Within two months the Pasha proposed to visit Fort Bodo, taking Mr. Jephson with him. At Fort Bodo I have left instructions to the officers to destroy the fort and accompany the Pasha to N'yanza. I hope to meet them all again on the N'yanza, as I intend making a short cut to the N'yanza along a new road.
HENRY M. STANLEY.
So offensive, as they are unjust, became the criticisms upon Stanley's generalship, his orders, intentions, aspirations, and his conduct generally in his efforts to relieve Emin Pasha, that he was at length moved to make a full answer to all the harpings of these miserable fault-finders and traducers of noble reputations. In making this full reply Mr. Stanley incidentally describes, briefly it is true, nearly the whole of his journey from Yambuya to Kavalli, as will be seen, hence his letter is one of extraordinary interest, as well as of value. It is as follows:
My Dear DE WINTON. -- We arrived here on the 28th inst. and found the modem Livingstone, Mr. A.M. Mackay, safely and comfortably established at this mission station. I had always admired Mackay. He has never joined the missionary attacks on me, and every fact I had heard about him indicated that I should find him an able and reliable man. When I saw him and some of his work about here, then I recognized the man I had pleaded, in the name of M'tesa, should be sent to him in 1875; the very type of a man I had described as necessary to confirm M'tesa in his growing love for the white man's creed.
C.M.S. STATION AT WSALALA, South end of Lake Victoria,
Central Africa, August 31st, 1889.
A packet of newspaper cuttings was given to me on my arrival here. The contents of most of them have perfectly bewildered me. I am struck with two things, viz., the lack of common-sense exhibited by the writers, and the utter disregard of accuracy shown. Not one seems to have considered my own letters to the Emin Pasha Relief Committee, or my speech at the MacKinnon dinner before starting, as worthy of regard. They do not care for the creed that I have always professed -- the one great article of faith of the working portion of my life -- "Never make a promise unless you mean to keep it;" and my second article of faith, which ought to have been as generally known, if words and corresponding actions may be judged -- "Obey orders if you break owners." "All I prayed for," said I at the MacKinnon dinner speech, "is that the same impelling power which has hitherto guided and driven me in Africa would accompany me in my journey for relieving Gordon's faithful lieutenant."
Now, in this White Pasha affair, tell me why I should budge one foot to right or left from the straight line described to you in my letters. Kavalli's, on the Albert N'yanza, almost due east from Yambuya -- that is the objective point, natural obstacles permitting. I have never yet departed from the principle of fulfilling my promise to the letter, where there is a responsibility attached to it. Have people at any time discovered any crankiness in me? Then why should they suppose that I, who expressed my views that Gordon disobeyed orders -- Gordon's wilfulness, you remember the phrase in the Mansion House speech -- would be ten times more disobedient and a thousand times more disloyal, deserving of such charges as "breach of faith," "dishonesty," "dissimulation," by going in the direction of Bahr Gazelle or Khartoum? I should not have gone were it to win the Imperial crown, unless it had been an article in the verbal bond between the Committee and myself. The object of the expedition, as I understood it, was simply the relief of Emin Pasha, so far as the Committee was concerned in the undertaking, but the Egyptian Government added, "and the escort of Emin Pasha and his people to the sea, should he require it." [Interruption of the Pasha's reverie]
Now, in the Emin Pasha affair, the latest Blue Book which Lord Iddesleigh furnished me with contained, many expressions through Emin Pasha's letters, which seem to prove that he had faithfully maintained his post until he could learn from his government what its intentions were, and that he had force enough with him to depart in almost any direction towards the sea if such was the government's wish: by the Congo, by Monbutto or via Langgo [Landing of Emin Pasha and Captain Casati at Wer‚, on Lake Albert N'Yanza] Land, and Musai -- ; were equally alike to him. But on November 2d, 1887, forty-two days before I reached the Albert N'yanza, he (the Pasha) writes to his friend, Dr. Falkin: -- ; "Do not have any doubt about my intentions; I do not want a rescue expedition. Have no fears about me. I have long made up my mind to stay."
All this is very unsatisfactory and inexplicable. He (the Pasha) also said he had sent searching parties in the direction I was supposed to come. On December (1888) 15, 16, 17, I made inquiries of the people at the south end of Lake Albert, and they had seen no steamer since Mason Bey's visit in 1877, consequently this absence of news of him cost us a 300-mile journey to obtain our boat and carry her to the N'yanza. With this boat we found him within three days. Finally he steamed up to our camp, but instead of meeting with one who had long ago made up his mind to stay or to go away with us, he would first have to consult his people, scattered among fifteen stations over a large extent of country. I foresaw a long stay, but to avoid that and to give the Pasha ample time to consider his answer and learn the wishes of his people, I resolved to go back even to Yambuya to ascertain the fate of the rear column of our expedition under Major Barttelot. This diffidence on the part of the Pasha cost me another rough march of 1300 miles. When I returned to the N'yanza, after eight mouths' absence, it was only to find that Emin Pasha and Mr. Jephson, one of our officers who stayed with him as a witness, had been made prisoners four months previous to our arrival on the N'yanza, and that the invasion of the Pasha's province by the Mahdists had utterly upset everything.
When Mr. Jephson, according to command, detached himself from the Pasha and came to me, I learned then for the first time that the Pasha had had no province, government or soldiers for nearly three years; that he was living undisturbed, and that the people sometimes yielded to his wishes apparently through mere sufferance and lack of legitimate excuse to cast him off utterly. But when he committed himself by a gust of awakened optimism to venture into the presence of his soldiers he was at once arrested, insulted, menaced, and imprisoned.
In relation to the subject of Major Barttelot and Tipo Tib, I have seen more nonsense than on any other. You remember the promise I made "to do as much good as I could, but as little mischief as possible." Let us see how this applied to the engagement with Tipo Tib. This man had grown rich through his raids, which had been the boldest and best rewarded with booty of any ever made. That error of judgment which led Captain Deane to defy the Arabs for the sake of a lying woman who had fled from her master to avoid punishment, had irritated all the Arabs at Stanley Falls, and especially Tipo Tib and all his relatives, friends, subjects and armed slaves. Tipo Tib was resolved to retaliate on the Congo Free State; he was at Zanzibar collecting material for the most important raid of all -- ; that is, down the Upper Congo. [Tipo-Tib's fresh captives being sent into bondage -- ; witnessed by Stanley.] Who could have stopped his descent before he reached Stan1ey Pool? Who knew the means of the State for defence better than I did? Therefore it was either a fearfully desolating war, or a compromise and a peace while good faith was kept. If both parties are honest peace will continue indefinitely. To secure Tipo Tib's honesty a salary of $150 per month was given to him. For this trifling consideration thousands of lives are saved and their properties secured to them. No Congo State is permitted to consolidate until it is readier with offensive means than at this time.
Thank God I have long left that immature age when one becomes a victim to every crafty rogue he meets. I am not a gushing youth, and we may assume that Tipo Tib's prime age is far from dotage. We both did as much as possible to gain advantage. I was satisfied with what I obtained, and Tipo Tib secured what money he wanted. At the time he agreed I feel certain that he was sincere in his intentions, You remember your Scripture, I dare say, and you remember the words, "There is more joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth than over ninety-nine that need no repentance." Who had been a greater sinner than Tipo Tib, at least in our estimation? But he could not sin down the Congo, for pecuniary as well as for more powerful reasons, which cannot be mentioned lest other crafty rogues take advantage of the disclosures. [One of Tipo Tib's slave gangs]
After disposing of Tipo Tib, the pirate, the freebooter, buccaneer, and famous raider, I may say a word about poor Barttelot. He was a Major in the British army. His very manner indicated him to be of a frank, gallant, daring, and perhaps somewhat dangerous disposition if aroused. His friends who introduced him to me in London spoke of him in some such terms. They named the campaigns he had been in, and what personal service he had performed. As I looked at the Major's face I read courage, frankness, combativeness in large quantity, and I said to these friends: "Courage and boldness are common characteristics among British officers, but of the most valuable quality for an expedition like this I have not heard anything: I hope you can add forbearance."
The only quality perhaps in which he was deficient was that of forbearance, though I promised myself that he should have little chance to exercise combativeness. You must not think this was a defect in him. It was merely the result of high spirits, youth, and good constitution. He was just pining for work. I promised him he should have so much of it that he would plead for rest. But unfortunately, want of sufficient vessels to float the expedition at one time on the upper Congo compelled me to leave about one half of my stores in charge of Mr. Troup at Stanley Pool, and 126 men under Messrs. Ward and Bonny at Bololo, [NATIVES OF THE BOLOLO DISTRICT.] and as the Major was senior officer and Mr. Jameson was an African traveller of experience, after due consideration it was concluded that no other two men could be fitter for the post of guarding the camp at Yambuya. With me for the advance column were Lieutenant Stairs, R. E., very intelligent and able, Captain Nelson, of the Colonial forces, Mounteney Jephson, a civilian, to whom work was as much a vital necessity as bread, and Surgeon T. H. Parke, of the A.M.D., a brilliant operator and physician. All were equally ignorant of the Kiswahili, the language of the Zanzibaris, as Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson. The only two who knew the language were Messrs. Ward and Troup, and they were not due at Yambuya until the middle of August. Would it have been wise to have placed either Stairs, Nelson or Jephson, instead of Major Barttelot, the senior officer, in command of Yambuya? I feel sure you will agree with me I made the best choice possible.
When young officers, English, German or Belgian, come to Africa for many months, there is no abatement of that thirst for action, that promptitude for work, that impatience to be moving, which characterizes them at home. An‘mia has not sapped the energies and thinned the blood. They are more combative at this period than any other. If any quarrels or squabbles arise it is at this time. I had to interfere twice between fire-eating young Arabs and strong, plucky young Englishmen, who were unable to discern the dark-faced Arab from the nigger, before we reached Yambuya. Well, it just happened that the Major, forgetting my instructions as to forbearance, met these Arab fire-eaters, and the consequence was that the Major had to employ the Syrian Assad Ferran to interpret for him. Whether the man interpreted falsely I know not, but a coolness arose between the high-spirited young Major and the equally high-spirited nephew of Tipo Tib, which was never satisfactorily healed up, and which, in the long run, led to the ever-to-be-regretted death of poor Barttelot.
It is the non-arrival of the goods from Stanley Pool and the men from Bololo which compels me to appoint you commander of this post. But as I shall shortly expect the arrival of a strong re-enforcement of men (Tipo Tib's people), greatly exceeding the advance force, which must at all hazards proceed and push on to the rescue of Emin Pasha, I hope you will not be detained longer than a few days after the departure of the Stanley on her final return to Stanley Pool in August (say August 18, 1887, as the steamer did not arrive in time August 14).
Paragraph V. -- ; The interests now entrusted to you are of vital importance to this expedition. All the men (Zanzibaris), who will shortly be under your command, will consist of more than a third of the expedition. The goods are needed for currency through the regions beyond the lakes. The loss of these men and goods would be certain ruin to us, and the advance force itself would need to solicit relief in its turn.
Paragraph VI. -- ; Our course from here will be due east, or by magnetic compass east by south. The paths may not exactly lead in that direction at times, but it is the north-west corner of Albert Lake, near or at Kavalli, that is our destination. [Barttelot enforcing orders] . . . Our after conduct must be guided by what we shall learn of the intentions of Emin Pasha.
Paragraph VII.-- We shall endeavor, by blazing the trees and cutting saplings, to leave sufficient traces of the route taken by us.
Paragraph VIII. -- ; It may happen, should Tipo Tib send the full complement of men promised (700), and if the 126 men have arrived by the Stanley, that you will feel competent to march your column along the route pursued by me. In that event, which would be most desirable, we should meet before many days. You will find our bomas or zeribas very good guides.
Paragraph IX. -- ; It may happen also that Tipo Tib has sent some men but he has not sent enough. In that event you will, of course, use your discretion as to what goods you can dispense with to enable you to march. [TIPO TIE'S SLAVES MARCHING OUT OF STANLEY FALLS.] (List of classes of goods, according to their importance, here given. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, the highest numbers to be first thrown away.)
If you still cannot march, then it would be better to make double marches than to throw too many away, if you prefer moving on to staying for our arrival.
These instructions were supplemented by verbal explanations, giving permission to march the very next day after the contingent from Bololo had arrived, if he could prepare his goods in time -- ; urgently impressing him not to place any stress on the promises of Tipo Tib, if he failed to make an appearance within a reasonable time of the promised date. His carriers were not absolutely necessary, but they would serve to keep our men fresh for other journeys. If Tipo Tib came, why, well and good; if he did not come, then be indifferent, adapt your goods to your carriers, and march on after us. The sooner you can march the sooner we will meet. If Tipo Tib broke his written agreement made with me before the consul, his promises to you would be more unreliable. When you last saw him, he promised to come within nine days; that date will be over day after to-morrow. If he comes any time before the arrival of the Stanley all will be well; but if he does not come by that time it will prove that the man never intended to keep his promise. Do not bother your mind about him, but come along with what you can -- ; ammunition, beads, cloth, private luggage, and European provisions. If you make double marches of four or six miles a day, you will do very well, etc.
The Major rose up in his frank, impetuous manner, and said: "By George, that's my style. I will stop very few days indeed after the people from Bololo come up. I wouldn't stop longer for anything." Unfortunately, tantalizing delays, accompanied by constant fair promises on the part of the Arabs, prevented the forward movement, with what unfortunate results to the expedition and to the rear column is too well known to be again referred to here.
In regard to atrocities reported on the Congo, I do not know who made the horrible statement that I have seen connected with the names of Major Barttelot and Jameson. It is inconceivable nonsense -- ; a sensational canard. The Rev. Wilmot Brooke has written a letter to the Times about atrocities on the Aruwimi. There is one part of a sentence which reads as follows: "Eye-witnesses, both English and Arab, have assured me that it is a common thing, which they themselves have seen on passing through the Manyuema camp, to see human hands and feet sticking out of their cooking pots." The question I should like to ask here is, "Who are those English who have seen this curious sight -- ; hands and feet sticking out of cooking pots?" Mr. Wilmot Brooke is an independent missionary seeking for a nest. It must be that there is something of an "un travelled" look about him for him to have been chosen as the recipient of this interestingly sensational item. I would not mind guaranteeing that "those English" are as undiscoverable as Prester John's traditional crown. I have had 150 so-called Manyuema, or rather Wasongora, and Wakusu slaves of Manyuema headmen with me -- ; Tipo Tib's people -- ; some twelve months now, and not one Englishman has seen anything of the kind.
Is Mr. Wilmot Brooke: or is it Assad Ferran, the author of that tale that an execution of a woman was delayed by Jameson or Barttelot that a photographer might make ready his apparatus? Would it surprise you to know that there was no photograph apparatus of even the smallest kind within 500 miles of Stanley Falls or the camp at Yambuya, north, south, east or west, at that time or at any time near that date?
But I might go on at this rate forever with the "infinite finite" nonsense I find in print in these scraps. Major Barttelot did punish men twice with severity, but, singular as it may seem, the white person who accused him was present on both occasions during the flogging scene -- ; he never even protested; the second time he gave his verdict -- ; death -- ; at a fair trial, and signed the document consigning him to instant doom. [Dragging the murderer to execution]
I have had to execute four men during our expedition; twice for stealing rifles, cartridges, and broken loads of ammunition; one of the Pasha's people for conspiracy, theft, and decoying about thirty women belonging to the Egyptians, besides for seditious plots -- ; court martialed by all officers, and sentenced to be hung; a Soudanese soldier, the last, who deliberately proceeded to a friendly tribe and began shooting at the natives. One man was shot dead instantly, and another was seriously wounded. The chiefs came and demanded justice, the people were mustered, the murderer and his companions were identified, the identification by his companions confirmed, and the murderer was delivered to them, according to the law, "blood for blood." Yours very faithfully,
HENRY M. STANLEY.
Concluded in Part IIa
Comments/report typos to
Gallery of Line Art Illustrations
Visit our thousands of other sites at:
BILL & SUE-ON HILLMAN ECLECTIC STUDIO
ERB Text, ERB Images and Tarzan® are ©Edgar Rice Burroughs, Inc.- All Rights Reserved.
All other Original Work ©1996-2007 by Bill Hillman and/or Contributing Authors/Owners
No part of this web site may be reproduced without permission from the respective owners.